Would somebody please point me to a source where I can get a straight answer on two issues related to this "torture"/"habeas corpus" bill we've been arguing about? Here's what I want to know:
1. What interrogation techniques will be allowed under this bill? Will waterboarding be allowed? (I've been going on and on about how it will be permitted in some instances, but to be honest, I'm now confused, and doubting that that's the case.) How much latitude does the president have to define which techniques are okay to use? I ask because it's fine to say that it bans "torture," but not if President Bush gets to define the meaning of torture.
2. Who loses his habeas corpus rights under this bill? If, as I believe SCOTUS declared, enemy combatants have statutory (as distinct from constitutional) rights to challenge their detention, will they still have them if this bill is signed into law? Will it be possible that someone will be thrown in jail indefinitely, with no opportunity to have his case reviewed, or to challenge evidence against him? The NYTimes editorial board says: "All Mr. Bush would have to do to lock anyone up forever is to declare him an illegal combatant and not have a trial." Is that true?

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Mark, thank you very much for bringing the Pitt essay to light.>
Rod,
We don't know whether waterboarding is allowed. It probably is, but the bill (now law) uses the words "severe suffering" and other such rather than descriptions of specific techniques. Of course, the President gets to define what these words mean.
The irony here is that the President said we needed this law because the Geneva Conventions are too vague.>
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Congress may give the president the power to lock up almost anyone he thinks is a terror threat.
By Bruce Ackerman, BRUCE ACKERMAN is a professor of law and political science at Yale and author of "Before the Next Attack: Preserving Civil Liberties in an Age of Terrorism."
September 28, 2006
BURIED IN THE complex Senate compromise on detainee treatment is a real shocker, reaching far beyond the legal struggles about foreign terrorist suspects in the Guantanamo Bay fortress. The compromise legislation, which is racing toward the White House, authorizes the president to seize American citizens as enemy combatants, even if they have never left the United States. And once thrown into military prison, they cannot expect a trial by their peers or any other of the normal protections of the Bill of Rights.
This dangerous compromise not only authorizes the president to seize and hold terrorists who have fought against our troops "during an armed conflict," it also allows him to seize anybody who has "purposefully and materially supported hostilities against the United States." This grants the president enormous power over citizens and legal residents. They can be designated as enemy combatants if they have contributed money to a Middle Eastern charity, and they can be held indefinitely in a military prison.
Not to worry, say the bill's defenders. The president can't detain somebody who has given money innocently, just those who contributed to terrorists on purpose.
But other provisions of the bill call even this limitation into question. What is worse, if the federal courts support the president's initial detention decision, ordinary Americans would be required to defend themselves before a military tribunal without the constitutional guarantees provided in criminal trials.
Legal residents who aren't citizens are treated even more harshly. The bill entirely cuts off their access to federal habeas corpus, leaving them at the mercy of the president's suspicions.
We are not dealing with hypothetical abuses. The president has already subjected a citizen to military confinement. Consider the case of Jose Padilla. A few months after 9/11, he was seized by the Bush administration as an "enemy combatant" upon his arrival at Chicago's O'Hare International Airport. He was wearing civilian clothes and had no weapons. Despite his American citizenship, he was held for more than three years in a military brig, without any chance to challenge his detention before a military or civilian tribunal. After a federal appellate court upheld the president's extraordinary action, the Supreme Court refused to hear the case, handing the administration's lawyers a terrible precedent.
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">http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/la-oe-ackerman28sep28,0,619852.story?coll=la-opinion-rightrail>
Here is the new, broadened definition, as enunciated in the legislation recently passed by the House:
"The term 'unlawful enemy combatant' means (i) a person who has engaged in hostilities or who has purposefully and materially supported hostilities against the United States or its co-belligerents who is not a lawful enemy combatant (including a person who is part of the Taliban, al-Qaeda, or associated forces); or (ii) a person who, before, on, or after the date of the enactment of the Military Commissions Act of 2006, has been determined to be an unlawful enemy combatant by a Combatant Status Review Tribunal or another competent tribunal established under the authority of the president or the secretary of defense."
">http://balkin.blogspot.com/Bush.Military.Commissions.Bill.pdf.>
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This bill concerned "the writ of habeas corpus [which] is the fundamental right for the political system originally envisioned by the founders of the United States." This bill concerned the ultimate foundation of individual liberty. In the most important and deepest sense, this bill was the ball game.
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">http://powerofnarrative.blogspot.com/2006/09/thus-world-was-lost.html>
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