Gotta check out the exclusive interview my Bnet colleague Dan Gilgoff has done with John McCain. He talks about why he wouldn't vote for a Muslim for president (and then backtracks), and about his belief that the US was established as a Christian nation. Excerpt:
A recent poll found that 55 percent of Americans believe the U.S. Constitution establishes a Christian nation. What do you think?I would probably have to say yes, that the Constitution established the United States of America as a Christian nation. But I say that in the broadest sense. The lady that holds her lamp beside the golden door doesn't say, “I only welcome Christians.” We welcome the poor, the tired, the huddled masses. But when they come here they know that they are in a nation founded on Christian principles.
I think this is descriptively true -- that is, the Enlightenment principles upon which the US was founded by those good Deists in Philadelphia do clearly derive from Christian antecedents, and secondarily, that the faith of most Americans is Christian -- but not true in the sense that the Constitution lays the groundwork for a confessional state. I don't find a lot to quibble with in this McCain quote, though I'm sure it will tip the Anti-Theocracy Committee over into a gran mal seizure.
UPDATE: David Kuo unloads on McCain as an unprincipled panderer.

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I was a religious freedom wonk even before law school, but law school refined my understanding. I've been slow coming to some of my convictions, but I like to think it's the development of wisdom rather than a plodding intellect.
Conviction 1: One of our sages said "The price of liberty is eternal vigilance." There are no set-it-and-forget-it self-enforcing principles to balance the religious liberty of the minority against the right of the majority to self-governance. We'll be admonishing the group in power not to abuse its power to violate the consciences of the minority for a long, long time to come.
Conviction 2: Court have little choice, when they're functioning well, but to try articulating principles; that's how we get precedent instead of arbitrary decisions. One of my frequent objections to Supreme Court decisions is that they seem too ad hoc, unable to give real guidance to lower courts.
Conviction 3: Those commenters who note much greater latitude for the states until Everson in 1947 are quite right. Massachusetts had an established Church until the 1830s, well after adoption of the Bill of Rights, and it fell ultimately because the Calvinists, God bless 'em, couldn't stomach the unitarian takeover of the established Congregational Church. (No doubt it's not quite that simple; history never is. That's just a thumbnail sketch.) Nobody thought Massachusetts was acting unconstitutionally even as a conviction grew that Establishment might be imprudent.
Since I don't believe in a Constitution that mutates to fit its words to the druthers of the lawyer class in each generation, I think that's the way things should have remained, though I acknowledge the difficulty of "turning back the clock." A lot of the Court's decisions under the incorporation doctrine (i.e., the 14th amendment makes much of the Bill of Rights applicable to the States through its guarantees of due process and equal protection) seem motivated by the Lincolnesque desire to transform "united States" into "Unitedstates" - a single, homogenous entity, worthy to became the world's sole superpower and thus to exercise important meddling like spreading Democracy to the heathen and other echoes of Manifest Destiny.
Propensity 1: Lucius is on the right track, I think, when he says "laws based on religion should be held constitutional by the Supreme Court, as long as the laws do not mandate creedal confession, church attendance or monetary support of a church, or otherwise violate Bill of Rights requirements." But I would take it further: I suggest that the Court stop scrutinizing the motivation behind laws so as to smack down legislation just because legislators were allegedly up to something sneaky.
I lean that way because, as I watch the court try to decide whether a law is "based on religion" (in Lucius' phrase) or otherwise to discern an impermissible motive, I see it drawing lines that have a lot more to do with their social class and what they think is low-class and yucky than with any principle I can discern. Thus we get Justice Kennedy saying that a law can have no motive but a bare desire to harm this group or that, or the Massachusetts Supreme Court (contra most courts that have now looked at the question) denying that there can be any rational basis whatever for limiting marriage to male-female pairs. If I may borrow a page from those who try to get their political goals by whining, I feel soooo Personally Violated and Disrespected when Courts say things like that. Sniff, sniff.
But that's just a leaning; their may be insurmountable problems I can't see. Eternal vigilance, y'all!
Conviction 4: Courts should avoid - or be very careful when they don't avoid - trying to discern religious motivation behind a law BECAUSE it is not always possible to separate religiously-informed convictions from other, permitted worldviews. At the margins, it's not too hard. Laws forbidding service of meat, dairy and oil on Wednesdays and Fridays, or forbidding possession of Icons would be fairly easy cases, I think. But healthy religion is far more than sets of rules from holy books superimposed over objective reality. It goes all the way to the bone. It "transforms to mind" to quote Apostle Paul to the Romans.
I won't use the term "Christian anthropology" as if it were unitary - there are thousands of denominations with varying views, after all - but I cannot see how we can avoid, while exercising salutary "eternal vigilance," religious people trying to use laws to promote authentic human thriving ACCORDING TO THEIR VIEW OF HUMAN NATURE (sorry if that looks like screaming; I don't know how to use hypertext tags). Isn't that what the Christian anti-slavery activists were doing, for instance?
'Nuff said. Too much said. "I'm just sayin' ..." seems to be the closing for this kind of musing.
R. John, a most illuminating essay. I'm grateful that someone who has studied these things first hand has joined the fray here.
I'm a pragmatist. I agree with the attitude that motivations are not relevant to whether a law should exist or not. The effect of the law should be the sole criterion... and we have a very long list of laws that should never have been passed, Prohibition being the glaring example*. My own experience with ERISA (during the 80s, where Congress averaged additions and changes to it twice per year), while hardly relevant in the practical sense, rubbed my face in the reality of the power of a legislature to do harm.
As for motivations, I have no problem with secularists standing with religionists (used to describe the source of the motivation) to support the same legislation. There are plenty of health issues at stake (avoiding using the "A" word, but see the footnote) which cross that divide. I have no problem with religionists starting from a belief, just so long as the implementation of that belief does not, in turn, suppress or quash the beliefs of others. This, I believe, is where the courts are most valuable. They must stand in the objective, neutral ground, and be willing to piss off everyone by simply saying no.
Not only do minorities have to be protected from the majority, the majority is in even greater need of being protected from itself. We see an example of an executive moving forward over the objections of the vast majority of his constituents. The bet is that he will be proven wrong. But I actually prefer that possibility, as bad as it can get, to the prohibition of the complementary circumstance: the majority is just plain wrong, and only the executive has the balancing power to prevent disaster.
* Prohibition was a mistake on very many levels. The one I mean here is the criminal lack of preparation for the difficulties in enforcement. Someone had a good idea. Someones else decided that everyone would agree with the idea, and it would somehow be self-enforcing. After all, it was based on a sound moral foundation, right? Gah. Contemporary efforts at a prohibition of abortion must demonstrate having learned that lesson before I will even consider compromising my pro-choice position. It's a very good thing to be so nobly motivated about a thing. It is worth nothing if it ends up hurting people.
Prohibition ended because the government really needed tax money, that is the public reason. The unspoken reason was that in some parts of the country it was unenforcable, not only because of offical corruption like in Chicago or New York, but because anyone charged with enforcing it was killed, like in Southern Illinois. In those areas it was a literal civil war and the government was losing.
Now, what has this to do with the separation of church and state? The Founders thought of themselves as Christians. That was their culture and there was actually no way they could think of themselves otherwise at that point in history. Even Tom Jefferson would have gagged at the thought of embracing Buddhism. But this ain't 1776 any more! For the sake of civil peace, government has to stay out of religion unless people are doing really nasty things with it, like seducing the choirboys or sacrificing their in-laws (well,maybe sacrificing in-laws should be legal but I can't imagine the gods wanting mine). People are just not on the same page, often not even on the same planet! And if the right buttons are pushed, they are all to willing to start shooting.
One civil war over a disagreement on interpreting the Bible was enough.
Seperation of Church and State is found true only in a founders letter, regardless was not based upon a secular need, but foresight into the corruption that eventually prevails in all of mans endevors. In this conjecture of seperation there was consideration and protection toward the time when the church itself became corrupt. Who wants a religious fanatic by themselves determining when an individual might lose thier Constitutional rights, possibly and secretly to lose also their life or well being.
It otherwise was true that this nation in ultruistic thought was formed within Judean/Christian values, even further in fact based on such principles. However to say this is a Christian nation stretches beyound credulity the true history of this nation, especially in these times.
Sanctity is a word used to often in America, good men are to often demonized for truth, and I suspect most churches in America are social clubs. Beyond these small issues, there are larger.
To give the devil his due, since early 1900s the slow importation of essentially an est 80% today of all consumables is our need, and these from third world (slave labor) gives significant doubt to ultruistic truth. Our oil for this nation is now found surprisingly located beneath Iraqi soil, and men of other nations elected to office are found imporperly forming Trade Agreements with China, reflecting failure in representing constituents for not instead properly building factories in China.
Just a couple of observations:
1. By 1778, all the colonies had officially disestablished their churches. In only four did small vestiges of the old establishment hang on; Connecticut was the second to last to abolish an odd, voluntary system by which the state would collect tithes, in 1819. Massachussetts clung on to the same tiny vestige until 1833. All other parts of state establishment had been long abolished, and it's not a good argument to claim that the abolished laws still existed or suggested any sort of endorsement of state establishment of religion, after 1778. Madison and Jefferson addressed the issue directly in their correspondence in 1787 and 1788, with Madison arguing that a Bill of Rights was technincally unnecessary since every state already had one, and specifcally on the issue of religious freedom, noting that all states protected worship and had abolished their state faiths.
2. The case involving the Church of the Holy Trinity was not a religion case. The issue was immigration, and specifically, immigration of labor. The holding was that a Christian nation may indeed ban all people of color from blue color jobs, and all people of color from entering the U.S., but that the ban probably wasn't intended to cover a white Christian minister. It's an abhorrent holding, long since vitiated by the court so far as the racial discrimination.
The case is often miscited for its obiter dicta on the U.S. being a Christian nation. David Brewer, who wrote that decision, denied that was ever the intent; worse, almost every point of history Brewer cited in his long desultory was incorrect.
Holy Trinity stood for racial discrimination. That's what we risk in endorsing the claim that the U.S. is a "Christian nation." We should be above that, as Americans.
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