One of the most dramatic moments of any Catholic Christian's year is that moment in the Good Friday liturgy when, in the reading of the Passion, the entire congregation calls out, "Crucify him!" [Update: Reading this magnificent first chapter from Fr. Neuhaus's book on Good Friday (thanks Ross), I see that I misremember; the "Crucify him!" is spoken on Palm Sunday. -- RD] The point, obviously, is to bring home the solemn truth that it is we who bear the guilt for Christ's death. It was our sins that put him on the Cross. And less theologically, if we had been in that crowd that day, we likely would have stood with the masses in demanding Jesus' death.
Reflecting on the courage it takes to stand against the crowd when one's life is on the line, Sir Ian Kershaw, the historian of Nazi Germany, writes:
Whether, as Dr. Johnson claimed, courage is the greatest virtue -- greater, that is, than justice or love -- is contestable. But is any virtue more difficult to uphold when put to an extreme test? It seems hard to imagine a greater test than standing up for principles, at the risk of life and liberty (also potentially involving friends and family), in the conditions of the unconstrained brutality of a police state. The Nazi regime provides as severe a moral test as can be imagined.I think I would have failed the test -- along with millions of others. When, in 1983, I published one of my first books on the Nazi era, on political dissent in the Third Reich, I remarked: "I should like to think that had I been around at the time I would have been a convinced anti-Nazi engaged in the underground resistance fight. However, I know really that I would have been as confused and felt as helpless as most of the people I am writing about."
My book was about everyday forms of dissent, not fundamental opposition to Nazism. But even very minor forms of political nonconformity invited recrimination. Telling a political joke, tuning in to foreign radio broadcasts, or even listening to jazz -- actions that would not even be noticed in a democracy -- were among the manifestations of political nonconformity that could result in imprisonment. In a society that opened the door to denunciation, no form of behavior that the regime saw as a challenge to its authority was free from risk. One needed courage to act in ways that could result in severe reprisals.
Tens of thousands of Germans engaged in activities that went much further than everyday dissent. Their courage derived from principles that would brook no compromise with Nazi ideas and methods.
Would you have had the courage to stand up to the Nazis? I like to think I would have. But what if that meant not only my death, but the death of my children? The equation changes, doesn't it? Closer to home, when I read accounts of the struggle for black civil rights in the South only a handful of years before I was born, I like to think that I would have been on the right side, had I been an adult then. But the truth is, I almost certainly wouldn't have been. There weren't many examples of white middle-class Southern courage in those days. Having grown up in the Deep South post-segregation, I think I have a fairly decent idea of the kind of bravery it would have taken for anyone, black or white, to have stood up against the status quo. It wasn't Nazi Germany, obviously, but it was bad enough.
And if I probably wouldn't have had the guts to stand up against my culture and my privilege and the authorities for the sake of justice for black Americans, how on earth is it possible to think that I, standing in that Jerusalem mob, would have summoned the courage to defend Jesus? Peter saw him walk on water, and still lost his courage. Had I been there, I may not have understood what was at stake, and joined the crowd in good faith, trusting in the judgment of my religious leaders. Or worse, maybe I would have known a terrible injustice was taking place, but convinced myself that my silence wasn't an important failure, and gotten calmly about my business. You too, I'm guessing.

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John D,
I very much agree with your post above. It seems to be to a reasonable compromise on the gay marriage issue: let the state accept them, and let the church (most churches, anyway) reject them.
I'm not in agreement though that traditional churches should 'stop meddling with' your denomination. Yes, they should stop invoking state power to do so, but theological criticism of another denomination is not 'meddling'. If I can criticize the UCC for lacking the apostolic succession, and for denying the eucharist, then why can't I criticize them for performing gay marriage?
Hector,
Of course denominations can disagree. None, however, should attempt to use the coercive power of the state to make their doctrinal decisions incumbent on everyone.
You would have a long list of disagreements with my denomination.
As I've noted many times before, my denomination is strongly in favor of same-sex marriage. We expect people, straight or gay, to make long-term, stable relationships that are recognized by the community. That same-sex marriages cannot be performed in 46 states, leaves us unable to treat gay and straight people the same, as our religious principles demand.
Betty and JohnD, religious and civil marriage can't be separated because the thing that the church finds significant about a wedding is that the couple is now being allowed by the state to conceive children together, they are now one flesh and will have their own children (or at least it would be fine and good if they did). If civil and religious marriage were separate, the church wouldn't care about its own "religious marriage", which would mean nothing, it would only care when the state said it was OK for the couple to become one flesh, because they actually believe that's when the couple should become one flesh.
It's not just that they are now allowed to have sex and conceive children together, but also that, with that right, they also join in all the obligations and expectations that come with attaining that right. Those things are very significant and a church certainly could have a ceremony to celebrate those things, but they wouldn't call it a marriage unless the couple was allowed, by the state, to conceive children together.
I very much agree with your post above. It seems to be to a reasonable compromise on the gay marriage issue: let the state accept them, and let the church (most churches, anyway) reject them.
Hector, the state should not allow anyone to attempt to conceive genetic offspring with someone of the same sex. And the state should not strip away the right to conceive genetic offspring from marriage. All marriages should continue to protect the couple's right to conceive children together, we shouldn't let the law say that marriages do not necessarily protect the right to conceive, because that would affect all marriages.
So no, that's not a perfectly reasonable compromise, anything that gives same-sex couples equal rights to a married couple is not acceptable at all. Civil Unions that do not protect conception rights is a perfectly reasonable compromise, and Churches can choose to perform those ceremonies as they wish.
You both win: It's done on both Palm Sunday and Good Friday!
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