Crunchy Con

All or nothing (Erin)

Thursday June 11, 2009

Categories: Abortion

Writing in the New York Times on the subject of abortion, here's Ross Douthat:

The argument for unregulated abortion rests on the idea that where there are exceptions, there cannot be a rule. Because rape and incest can lead to pregnancy, because abortion can save women's lives, because babies can be born into suffering and certain death, there should be no restrictions on abortion whatsoever.


As a matter of moral philosophy, this makes a certain sense. Either a fetus has a claim to life or it doesn't. The circumstances of its conception and the state of its health shouldn't enter into the equation.

But the law is a not a philosophy seminar. It's the place where morality meets custom, and compromise, and common sense. And it can take account of tragic situations without universalizing their lessons.

Indeed, the argument that some abortions take place in particularly awful, particularly understandable circumstances is not a case against regulating abortion. It's the beginning of precisely the kind of reasonable distinction-making that would produce a saner, stricter legal regime.


Douthat goes on to say that it's our legal landscape, which following Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton allows virtually no restrictions on abortion at all, that's responsible for both the stridency of the abortion debate and the tendency of both sides to focus in on the tragic situations. That's a fair point, I think; but as for the rest--well, I'll get to that.


At Slate, Will Saletan responds:

Douthat is making an important concession: Abortion isn't all or nothing. To say that some abortions are worse than others is to concede a continuum of gray in which moral negotiation is possible. In exchange, he seeks acknowledgment of another truth: This gray continuum is made of tiny pixels that are, on closer inspection, black and white. What makes the morality of abortions difficult to judge isn't that they're all the same shade of gray. It's that each has its own unique composition of pixels. You've come in for your first abortion, immediately after missing your period, because you weren't using birth control. Your pregnancy seems perfectly healthy, and your parents would help you raise the child, but your boyfriend won't, and you might never finish your education.


That's not a mess of gray. It's a constellation of seven conflicting moral facts. And we know that judgments can be made about facts like these, because women make such judgments every day. Nor are these judgments purely subjective. Give 100 men and women the scenario above, and a clear majority will agree which of the seven facts make abortion more or less understandable. What they won't agree on is the bottom line.

Saletan talks about the role the law plays in all of this, and continues:

That's not true. Look at the laws in Mississippi: state-dictated counseling, a 24-hour waiting period, and requirement that "both parents of a girl under 18 must consent to the abortion." I don't like these laws, but they're proof that regulation exists throughout pregnancy. Their consideration was part of a democratic debate that goes on every day across this country. Pro-lifers engage freely in this debate, sometimes even with the support of the New York Times.


And that's a good thing. Debates produce an exchange of ideas and criticism that sharpens the thinking of both sides. By wrestling honestly with the arguments against abortion regulation, Douthat has come to a nuanced understanding that defies pro-life absolutism. He's advancing the conversation.

Is the conversation being advanced, though, from a pro-life perspective? My thoughts below:

I'd like to start by getting back to what Douthat says about moral philosophy--because I think that this is the crux of the matter, the reason why I can't agree with him, and think that however well-meant these sort of attempts are they invariably end up lacking moral coherence.

It's true that the law is not a philosophy seminar; but it's also true that the law tends to be cognizant, when speaking about individual rights, that these rights can come from a few different places. There are plenty of rights the law grants to its citizens by the kind of process of "custom, compromise and common sense" Douthat alludes to. The right to vote is one such law: it was first, in America, granted to white male landowners, then other males who didn't own land, then, after slavery was abolished, to black males, and then, a long time later, to females. There is no absolute, inherent, intrinsically human right to vote, in other words; it was proper for the law to expand that right to include more people than the earliest custom-based laws included, but it is also proper for the law to revoke a person's right to vote under some circumstances, to decide that only citizens may vote, to determine the age at which one may begin to vote, and otherwise to make pragmatic decisions about the application of voting rights.

But there are, according to the founders of this nation, rights which are inalienable, rights which precede the state and its laws, and are the property of every human being. We usually speak of the right to life, to liberty, and to the pursuit of happiness as some of these rights; these are things which we believe may not be removed from any person without the due process of the law, because these rights come to man not from any human agency, but from God; or, if one insists on disbelief in a Creator, it could be said that these are things intrinsic to human dignity, things that no one can remove merely at will from another human being.

And that really is the centrality of the abortion debate: does abortion unjustly remove from a human being his or her inalienable right to life? Or does it, instead, remove from a woman her liberty to destroy the contents of her womb at will and continue her existence unencumbered by unwanted progeny? This is a clash of philosophy, not of law.

The abortion debate is not, at its heart, a debate about law and policy. It is not outside the realm of possibility for the law to uphold the right to life of the human being in his or her developmental state, yet target any legal punishment toward those who provide abortions, not those who procure them; nor is it outside the realm of possibility for the law to decide that a woman has the right to kill the life growing inside her--but only up until a certain point, such as the 24-week gestational cutoff currently the law in England. If we forget anything, we forget how possible it is for the law to hold two or more seemingly conflicting ideas at once. This is precisely because the law is not a philosopher.

But we who seek to shape the law abandon philosophy at our peril. If we believe that human beings are entitled to life, and if we understand the developing human in the womb to be both human and a being that is genetically distinct from his or her mother, by what logic do we argue that he or she, merely by the temporary condition of his or her dependency, has forfeited this inalienable right? Have we not created as a principle the notion that human beings may be deprived of their right to live when they are inconvenient? And have we pondered the reaches to which this principle might eventually go--as, indeed, we're already seeing it go in some cases involving euthanasia?

To use an example from a different moral issue, most of us understand that torture is immoral because it also removes something that is intrinsic to human dignity. We believe in safeguarding the rights of the accused, not in permitting them to be treated inhumanely; we believe that torture reduces the person to an object, who may be harmed at our wills, for our purposes, and that this is always gravely evil. The right of a human being to remain free from direct and intentional harm is tossed aside, and justifications involving national security or other perceived needs are supposed to outweigh the prisoner's right to be treated humanely.

If we abandon that philosophical principle--that humans have the right to be treated humanely, in accordance with their intrinsic human dignity which does not depend on their status as friend or enemy or on their condition of incarceration--then we reduce arguments against torture to the merely pragmatic, and open the door for our opponents to insist that the inhumane treatment they favor shouldn't be considered torture, for the dubious reason that they prefer to call it something else. I don't think I have to spell out how greatly that restricts arguments against torture, or how important, how necessary it is that arguments formed against it always refer back to the dignity of the human person and his intrinsic rights--so why should it be any different in the abortion debate?

There are many things the pro-life community can do to further the conversations with the pro-choice community. I think that guaranteed maternal health care coverage for any woman who needs this would be one such thing; policies that would come to the financial aid of women in crisis pregnancy situations would also not be a bad idea, as people have suggested. Reminding the woman in a crisis pregnancy that we value her dignity and intrinsic worth and are willing to give any practical help necessary to her and to her baby is a strategy that works to save unborn babies from death by abortion, as any long-time volunteer of such a center knows well.

But downplaying, diminishing, or abandoning the philosophical and moral arguments against abortion means downplaying, diminishing or abandoning the innocent unborn human whose life is at stake in every abortion, no matter what the circumstances. To the little girl or boy whose heart is just about to begin, or has just begun, to beat beneath his or her mother's own heart, abortion really is all or nothing.

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Comments
Natty
June 13, 2009 12:38 AM

RHampton,

"That means the contraception mentality" had been around."

Yes, contraception has been around. However, in the 50's and 60's when sexual morality was really starting to change, the availability of contraceptives was restricted, especially for unmarried women. The birth control pill brought the sexual revolution to new heights with its ease of use and its promised effectiveness. As restrictions were removed and the age of majority lowered in most states, contraceptive use and pre-marital (and extra-marital) sex increased significantly. So, although contraceptives were available prior to the availability of the pill and wider availability of other types of contraceptives, I'm not sure it met the level of a "contraceptive mentality". Even if it did, the pill and the dropping of restrictions only made it worse.

Hector,

"I don't think there is much of a connection between the acceptance of contraception and premarital sex on the one hand, and abortion on the other."

Studies show that as availability of contraceptives and sexual activity increased, so did the abortion rates. Planned Parenthood touts the effectiveness of their prevention programs while their abortion rates have increased each year. If a woman is using birth control, why is she using it? Because she doesn't want to get pregnant. So, what do you think her reaction is going to be when she does get pregnant? Is she going to want the child more now than she did before? In most cases, no. At least 50% of abortions are performed on women who were using birth control when they got pregnant.

"Abortion is a life issue, not a sex issue. We will never win on this issue if we paint it as a sex issue, because most people want the right to have sex before marriage and to plan their number of children and have small families."

But the problem with the contraceptive mentality is that the result of it has been the separation of the procreative act from the unitive act. It is the belief that sex is primarily for pleasure and that children are optional. Women become disposable objects of sexual desire and their children, if they should "accidentally" come into being, are disposable, too. So, yes, that may be what people want and stating this correlation between contraception and abortion may not be what they want to hear, but it's the truth. Although, I'm not under any delusion that this message would be well-received.

The other truth is that widespread availability of contraceptives and comprehensive sex education are not significantly reducing the number of abortions. England, Scotland, and Sweden all report increases in teen pregnancy rates and abortions despite increased funding for sex ed programs and the promotion of the morning after pill. Washington state has also reported an increase (16% between 2006-2007) despite an ongoing Medicaid program (also supported by Planned Parenthood) which provides free contraceptives to low-income women who are not supported by Medicaid. They're giving the stuff out for free, and it's not working.

It's also interesting to note that the divorce rate among married couples who use contraception is 40-50% while it is only about 2% for couples who use Natural Family Planning or no birth control at all.

Rebecca
June 13, 2009 1:17 AM

"Many more women die from complications of legal abortion than ever died from complications of illegal abortions

I doubt it. According to the Guttmacher Institute: "The risk of death associated with abortion increases with the length of pregnancy, from one death for every one million abortions at or before eight weeks to one per 29,000 at 16–20 weeks—and one per 11,000 at 21 or more weeks." The rates were not that low when it was illegal."

Just to clarify my point here: I was not talking about rates, I was talking about numbers. Many, many more women are having abortions now that it's legal, than before it was legal. So in absolute numbers, more women are dying or being maimed. Face the fact that making abortion legal has dramatically increased its incidence.

"How many abortions happen after 15 weeks because of the actions of the anti-abortion forces that have made it harder and more expensive to get an abortion, particularly for teens?"

I am so sad to see you take the position that abortion should be unrestricted for such young people. This one I cannot wrap my mind around. To think that so-called "freedom" is more important than protecting kids at a really vulnerable age and in such a situation--I cannot fathom holding this position. How can you put such a weighty responsibility on such young people? Do you think having an abortion is not really that big of a deal? Do you think children should pretty much just be on their own from the time they hit puberty? Are they to be considered adults at that time?

Rebecca
June 13, 2009 1:29 AM

Natty:

"Planned Parenthood touts the effectiveness of their prevention programs while their abortion rates have increased each year."

Yes, and you know, they're glad that it does, because it's a moneymaker. I'm amazed that large numbers of actual people fall for all the cheery newspeak about prevention programs. The truth is that Planned Parenthood wants people to choose abortion. They are not pro-choice, they are simply pro-abortion. When, during the 40 days for life campaign, some women did not go ahead with the planned abortion, people at the clinic were up in arms. They were angry with the people standing outside praying (there was obviously no coercion involved), they were vocal about the money being lost. If they were truly pro-choice, they would actually be relieved that the women made a choice they were finally happy with; they should be relieved that the woman realized she had been feeling pressured by her boyfriend to have an abortion and decided not to succumb to that pressure. That would be "empowerment", right? But no, it lost them money. That is the bottom line--it is about moneymakers preying on very vulnerable people, and snapping and growling when their prey escapes.

Charles Foster Kane
June 13, 2009 4:29 AM


Hector and ratio, I'm not a member of the pro-choice movement, just a sympathizer, so not the best spokesman for it. But I think the reason it seems to feel no need to compromise isn't just that it's "in power" (although that's important), but that it believes that Roe v. Wade already was the compromise. Rightly or wrongly, that decision sought to balance women's privacy rights with the interests of the state; that's what the whole "trimester" scheme is about. So what pro-choicers hear in the pro-life demands is: Now we're being asked to compromise some more. Or, to abandon a working compromise and just give everything up altogether.

I also think that one reason that Roe has survived in the courts is that it does reflect -- roughly, but not badly for the work of lawyers -- most Americans' moral intuitions, the ones I referred to in my earlier comments above. In addition, I think most Americans do not welcome the idea of reopening the whole question and having a whole bunch of state-by-state fights over abortion, fights like those we're currently having over gay marriage only probably much more intense. So the Roe regime seems like a decent, workable modus vivendi.

Now I'm well aware that it doesn't seem that way to pro-lifers, and I was sincere above in offering them my best wishes in pressing their moral case. I don't think it will work, because ultimately what it calls for is convincing people to see embryos and fetuses as people when they don't currently see them that way. I cited examples earlier of how it seems to me that even most pro-lifers don't really see them that way, at least not in the early stages of pregnancy, and I'm not sure how those who do can persuade the rest of us. The pictures and sonograms and so on haven't done it for me, nor has constantly reasserting the claim (sometimes at high volume), nor the baiting accusations about how if you aren't outraged over D&X and whatnot then you're a moral monster. Particularly unpersuasive, to me, is the argument from self-evident truth, e.g. "Well, what is it if not a human being? It's not a rabbit or a potted plant," etc. To me that begs the question, because embryos and fetuses are obviously human -- but so was my appendix, back when I had one.

Anyway, I'll grant that this might seem, from the perspective of some future history, like some great moral blindness that millions of us are suffering from. Might. I doubt it, though. I think probably the pro-life movement has given this thing it's best shot, they've fallen short, and you're not going to see any more big victories in any Western countries, just as we're not going to see the repeal of women's suffrage. Women have rights now, society has changed accordingly, and that's the world we're going to be living in from now on.

Your Name
June 16, 2009 9:26 AM

Didn't anyone notice that Douthat's entire article/premise is based on a lie???

To with:

"The argument for unregulated abortion rests on ..."

Absolutely no one is arguing for "unregulated abortion". No one.

If the 'right' has to continually resort to lying in order to, er, 'make their point', they've already lost. They have ZERO credibility.

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About Crunchy Con

Rod Dreher is an editorial columnist for the Dallas Morning News, and author of "Crunchy Cons" (Crown Forum), a nonfiction book about conservatives, most of them religious, whose faith and political convictions sometimes put them at odds with mainstream conservatives. The views expressed in this blog are his own.

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