I think we've probably exhausted this topic for now, but I didn't want to let E.D. Kain's series of posts about the conflict between gay marriage and religious liberty, re: the situation the Catholic Archdiocese of Washington, DC, pass without note. E.D., please note, is a supporter of same-sex marriage, and believes the Catholic Church is very wrong to oppose it. But he's starting to see that gay marriage really is a threat to religious liberty. Read him here, here, and finally here. Excerpts from his series:
Religious organizations would not be forced to provide space or perform marriages for gay couples. They would still be required to do a number of other things, including provide benefits to gay couples, offer other charitable services to gay people, and so on and so forth. Again - I think they should do this, but what I think really isn't the issue here. The issue is whether they should be required to by law. If they are required to follow specific rules in order to receive federal funds, and they believe that those rules are in conflict with their beliefs, then they will have no choice but to refuse those funds.You can't really have it both ways. These funds are used to provide for the poor. You can't complain that the Church is awful for receiving the funds on the one hand and awful for not providing these services on the other. The two are connected, and if the law makes it impossible for the Church to do both, then there really is little that can be done except change the law. Or change the Church. And so this comes back to a question of religious liberty.
And:
I believe the Church and other groups that oppose gay marriage are wrong and that someday they'll look back on all of this with the same shame opponents (and their ancestors) of racial equality look back on the days of segregation. But that doesn't mean we approach each battle in this war with the attitude that so long as marriage equality is reached, all other considerations are negligible. If you want a much harder path going forward, then by all means give your opponents reason to believe that their religious liberty actually will be infringed upon. Most of the time that argument is a straw man. But not always. Giving it credence is probably not a good long-term strategy.
I appreciate that E.D., unlike so many gay marriage proponents, recognizes that religious liberties are at risk from the march of gay marriage rights, and that this really does involve a conflict of rights claims. At some point, this really is a zero sum game. The usual cry that goes up from gay rights backers is that no pastor is going to be forced to marry a gay couple or be censored if he preaches against homosexuality, so there's no problem at all. That's simply untrue. I don't think, though, that E.D. fully understands (yet) how much of a rollback in religious liberty is at stake in this fight. It's one thing if the boundaries of gay rights are set by statute, as in the DC case. It's another if they are set by a court in a constitutional case. In the former, exemptions for religious organizations can be carved out -- but if the Supreme Court decides that gay marriage is a constitutional right, then religious organizations will be given much less room to move, and there's nothing they will be able to do about it.
I strongly encourage you to read Chai R. Feldblum's paper on the conflict between gay rights and religious liberty. Feldblum is a Georgetown Law professor, a lesbian and a gay rights activist. She was also raised in an Orthodox Jewish home, so she understands the issue from both sides. Here are relevant excerpts:

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