This week has been marred by xenophobic violence in Alexandra Township, Johannesburg, South Africa. The violent attacks targeted foreign nationals whom locals accuse of being responsible for crime, job loss, "taking their girlfriends," and other social problems. The violence meted on foreigners included murder, robbery, looting, rape, and violent assault. Most of the victims are Zimbabweans. One reason for this could be the high number of Zimbabwean refugees in South Africa.

Currently many foreigners are being sheltered at police camps and the Red Cross is providing food and blankets. The timing could not have been worse because it parallels the ongoing post-election violence in Zimbabwe that has caused many Zimbabweans to flee to neighbouring countries.

An issue that is being raised is whether there is a "third force" behind the violence or whether the violence is an unintended coincidence -- i.e., it would have happened anyway and is unrelated to the political situation in Zimbabwe. In a survey done by one of the leading local newspapers, The Sowetan, readers were divided on this issue with just over 50% disagreeing that a third force was behind the attacks.

Despite the condemnation of the violence by politicians, the situation is deteriorating and the violence against foreigners is spreading to other areas. It is an experience of double trauma for many Zimbabweans.

I am struggling to come to terms with the violence around me and to respond to the issues that are being raised. However, I believe there is a prophetic Christian response informed by justice and compassion that can address the concerns of both foreigners and South Africans in the spirit of common humanity. Pray for us that as Christians we would find this prophetic response and be part of the healing and restoration of common humanity.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

This weekend Zimbabwe's opposition party announced that it would take part in the next round of presidential "elections." Violence, harassment, and intimidation of unarmed citizens continue as part of the government's preparation for the "elections." In my understanding, there are three basic rules that qualify a process to be described as a legitimate election (election 101!):

1. Elections are part of a democratic package that includes freedom, democracy, and peace. Without this package or context, elections cannot be expected to achieve their intended function -- namely, to elect a party or candidate of choice.
2. Elections presuppose political maturity, which understands that to participate in an election a party could:

a. Win or
b. lose but
c. cannot be both (a) and (b)

3. Acceptance of results is part of the election process. In the event of losing a party should not resort to political tantrums and attack the winner. This is a serious violation of the first election principle above and therefore constitutes a violation of human rights.

In the case of Zimbabwe, none of the above apply. Despite these serious constraints the opposition and the people are determined to use this window of opportunity to fight for democracy. The international media has played a significant role in ensuring that Zimbabwe is on the "big screen," visible for all to see. This effort needs to be supported by active participation by the international community in the "election" process as it happens. This support is critical. Violence cannot be allowed to triumph as a political tool that overrides the election process. This is our prayer and plea for support.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

The following is an interview with Abigail Disney, producer of the documentary Pray the Devil Back to Hell, which recently won the award for best documentary feature at the 2008 Tribeca Film Festival.

What sparked your interest in wanting to make a documentary about Liberia?

The fact that the newly elected president of Liberia was a woman was notable, especially since the continent had had so few women in leadership, and that women had been so peculiarly and sadistically targeted during their war. I knew there had to be a backstory. She hadn't just arisen spontaneously.

How were Christian and Muslim women able to come together for a common cause?

They were all so completely fed up with war that they were willing to overcome their reluctance. There was some mistrust at first, but the longer they spent time together in prayer and fasting the more they came to understand and empathize with each other. Friendships were forged on the field that will exist for a long time—it is quite possible that the nature of the relationship between Christian and Muslim was forever changed in Liberia.

Elaborate on the role that religious leaders played in helping to bring about peace to Liberia.

While it may seem unlikely, the fact is that the warlords and even Charles Taylor were quite religious. Religious leaders therefore were among the only people who could influence them, even in the chaotic atmosphere of war. But women were dissatisfied with the limited way in which the religious leaders wielded that influence. So the campaign really began with the women bringing pressure on the leaders via their religious confidants. This pressure ultimately was one of the reasons Taylor and the rebels decided to come to peace talks in Ghana.

How did prayer inform these women's social justice actions?

All of the women in this film were deeply, deeply religious and believed with all of their hearts and minds in the power of prayer to influence events and people. This was a critical aspect of their plan, and a big part of what made them so tenacious and persistent in their protests. But more than this, prayer was a source of personal strength to each of the women. They gained strength through their individual practice of prayer, but also the communal practice of prayer was an extraordinary glue that held the group together in spite of all kinds of pressures to pull them apart.

Explain the significance of the Lutheran church that you filmed for this documentary.

St. Peter's Lutheran Church was the scene of the first organizing meeting for the Christian Women's Peace Initiative, early in the film. In 1989, however, that church was also the scene of one of the most horrific massacres in the pre-war period. Samuel Doe's army, in anticipation of Charles Taylor's assault on Monrovia, went into the church and slaughtered more than 600 members of a rival ethnic group in a single night. The candlelight vigil in the middle of the film takes place on the church compound on top of the mass grave that contains most of those bodies. The church was and still is the church that Leymah Gbowee attended, and a source of great strength and counsel to her. It was also through the Lutheran Church that WIPNET, her organization, got offices and also got its first international donations.

Why is Leymah Gbowee the focal character of your story?

Everyone acknowledged her to be the leader and the face of the peace movement. But more than this, Leymah was so clearly charismatic, articulate, and genuine that I knew that a film with her at the center could not fail to be compelling. She is one of the most gifted people I have ever met.

What can we do to enable this change to continue without imposing our Western values on this culture?

I think you are precisely right here. Why do we insist on imposing "solutions" that are always at best temporary, and at worst impractical and even disrespectful to indigenous cultures? I think at heart we are sometimes deeply mistrustful of the competence of indigenous cultures to find their own answers. And when we impose programs, very often we do so in such a manner as to set them hunting for external money that is scarce, inadequate, and hard to get. The answer is to do some better listening. As people coming in from the global North we need to arrive in places with a little less confidence in our "answers" and a little more confidence in the people we are there to serve. People aren't poor because they don't have values, don't have smarts, don't have gumption—people are poor because they don't have money. We need to recognize that most of the "resources" needed to fight the world's problems are also the victims of those problems.

What's been the response when you've shown this film?

The response has been overwhelmingly emotional, connected, and positive. And this is not just from people in the U.S. We have already shown the film in many countries to women's groups and the response has been so moving. Women in Iraq wept when they saw it, and immediately asked how many copies they could make so as to make sure that it is shown in people's homes all over the country. Women from Sudan e-mailed us to say that they felt sure that lives were being changed by the dialogues the film had sparked. In Tblisi, Georgia, women sat down immediately after the film and wrote up a Peace Agenda that is now making its way around the country for women's signatures. What is remarkable is the way that so many women were already poised to work together for peace—all the film does is remind them how powerful they are when they work together. It is a spark of faith in dark times.

What are the future plans for this documentary and how can interested churches and nonprofits arrange for showings of this film?

We hope to work with churches and other religious organizations along with youth groups, women's organizations, and other interested partners to get the film seen far and wide. At the moment we are still forming distribution plans, but churches that are interested in seeing the film should go to our Web site and give us their information so that when we are set up for distribution we can get in touch with them.

Becky Garrison will be featured in the upcoming documentary The Ordinary Radicals, directed by Jamie Moffett, co-founder of The Simple Way.

Journalist Andrew B. traveled from South Africa to Zimbabwe to gather firsthand accounts of the violence perpetrated by supporters of Robert Mugabe (ZanuPF) against opposition supporters (MDC). The stories and photos he gathered are graphic and disturbing, but they are important documents in expressing the depth of the crisis there and the vital need for resolution.

Tandi,
Kotwa, Mudzi North province:

Four of us were walking together and we saw the ZanuPF Youth approaching. We ran but they caught me and forced me to the water. "You have to surrender your information to us. You are a son of ZanuPF. We baptize you in the name of ZanuPF."

I was drowning. My mind started to go dark as I prayed to God. I do not know what happened but suddenly the men holding me under the water were gone and my feet found the ground. I lay on the bank of the river coughing and choking. My friends found me and took me to Harare in a man’s car.

We are punished because we do not accept ZanuPF as God. This is why we are punished. Many days in a row we go without food. Sometimes we are forced to drink standing water. They take. They burn Zimbabwe. We are dying.

+ Download Andrew's full report (warning: graphic images).

The Zimbabwean tragedy continues. Presidential results were released after a record five-week delay! According to election law, a candidate must secure above 50% of the vote to be declared a winner. If there is no winner, a rerun must occur three weeks after the announcement of the results. There are loopholes in the election law that give the election commissioner powers to extend the time period for a rerun. The results are as follows:

Morgan Tswangirayi 47.9%
Mugabe 43.2%
Makoni 8.3%
Langton .6%

It appears that no candidate has won and that a rerun is inevitable. There are widespread concerns about the integrity of the election process. Although the opposition has reservations about the results, they have been placed in a difficult position. If they boycott the rerun, then the government will be declared winners. However, the ongoing post-election violence against opposition members has created a situation in which it is impossible for there to be free and fair elections. Another perspective that has been offered to explain the post-election violence is that it could be a ploy to intimidate the opposition from participating in the rerun so that the government could be declared winners by default. Either way, the use of violence as a weapon to thwart democracy and freedom should not be tolerated. The international community must act to ensure that the values of democracy and freedom are upheld in Zimbabwe. The denial of freedom and democracy to one nation is the denial of these values in all nations. Your prayers and support are deeply appreciated. Thank you.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

A lot has happened this past week, starting with the international day of prayer for Zimbabwe on Sunday, April 27. Churches all over the world stood in solidarity with the plight of Zimbabweans and condemned the widespread violence and intimidation of citizens by the government.

Not surprisingly, there were counterclaims by government and some politicians in the region that the violence is exaggerated and not "serious." This got me thinking about what constitutes "serious violence." Is it mass massacres where thousands upon thousands of lives are lost? By defining crisis in relation to statistics, politicians continue to devalue the lives of Africans.

This "life-devaluing" rhetoric presents a challenge to faith communities to enter the political discourse with a different language that links the struggle for justice with the dignity and value of life. While it is important to point out and expose the acts of terror being perpetuated, we need to be weary of being dragged down into the same frame of reference. It would be a sad day indeed if we found ourselves sharing the same vocabulary and vilifying the other.

For me, the day of prayer for Zimbabwe was an important reminder that as people of faith we enter into the struggle for justice with a different language, ethos, and an intentional commitment to the welfare of all -- particularly the poor. Therefore, we pray for a different army for Zimbabwe, an army of visionary leaders who are competent experts in every area of governance, such as education, health, politics, justice, economics, trade, agriculture, housing, and business (for example, mining, manufacturing, trade, and commerce). This is the real liberation army!

We pray also for the present, for wisdom to be given (at the Solomon and Daniel level!) to strategic persons who have the power to change the situation so that the political crisis will be resolved expediently and justly. More importantly, that prophetic wisdom be given to church leaders so that they may continue to play an important role in this process. The role of the church has been remarkable!

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

Catholic and Protestant church groups in Zimbabwe have voiced deep alarm about the Mugabe government's organized violence against those perceived to have voted against it, and its refusal to release the results of the March 29 elections. Despite the economic and social disaster Mugabe's government has brought on Zimbabwe in recent years, the government has, as one news article put it recently, maintained "support among neighboring countries where many still hold him in awe as an African liberation hero" of Zimbabwe's 1980 overturning of white-minority rule.

As Zimbabwean theologian Dr. David Kaulemu described at last month's Ecumenical Advocacy Days, many African countries are struggling not just with the ghosts of colonialism, but also with the ghosts of the liberation movement-- the fact that the concepts and leadership style that helped win independence can hinder the development of democracy. We spoke with Kaulemu after his presentation.

Sojourners: It seems, especially in the situation in Zimbabwe, that the ghost of the liberation movement is a very real and very current issue.

Kaulemu: That's a real challenge—appreciating the values, the vision of the liberation struggle, but also appreciating the limitations. Our liberation movements, the way in which they developed their skills, their personnel, their visions, and also their institutions, failed to turn them into institutions for governance and for real freedom for everyone in the country.

And so the challenge here is in reconstructing, both in terms of our vision and also in terms of our institutions, and also our personnel, our skills—reconstructing in such a way that we speak a different language where we are really concerned about the poverty in the country, we're really concerned about the dignity of human beings—each and every human being—it doesn't matter which tribe, which ethnic group, which race. And so to really begin to talk about new citizenship in a free Zimbabwe.

Do you see ways in which the faith community is helping to take the next step toward that reconstruction you're describing?

The faith communities are making a contribution. They have begun to raise certain issues, certain questions, which will help to move us forward.

These same institutions have challenges .… For a lot of church leaders, they in a sense forgot about their gospel and took the gospel of the liberation struggle. And for those whose imagination continues to be determined by the liberation struggle, you can see them using the church for the purposes of those political goals.

But we are beginning to see leaders who are now saying, we have our own values as Christians or as faith communities, which made us support the liberation struggle. Not that the liberation struggle molded our values, but that we agreed with some of the basic tenets of the liberation struggle—but from the point of view of faith communities. And that disjunction, that distinction, is beginning to be clarified more and more.

Dr. David Kaulemu is the regional coordinator for Eastern and Southern Africa at the African Forum on Catholic Social Teachings in Harare, Zimbabwe. He is also a visiting fellow at Georgetown University's Woodstock Theological Center. He spoke with Sojourners assistant editor Elizabeth Palmberg at last month's Ecumenical Advocacy Days in Washington, D.C.

This morning's newspaper headlines are about the comment on Zimbabwe made by Jendayi Frazer, U.S. assistant secretary for African Affairs. Her statements reflect the reality of the situation in Zimbabwe that is evident to most people, including African leaders -- namely, that the current post-election crisis is happening because Mugabe lost the elections and his current presidency and government is constitutionally illegal. The silence from African leaders reminds me of the story of the emperor who was naked but none of his peers or officials had the courage to point this out to him -- except the little boy who pointed out the obvious. Only two African leaders have been vocal about their opposition to the crisis in Zimbabwe - these leaders are from Zambia and Botswana. However, I must add that, to their credit, Namibia, Angola, Mozambique, and South Africa refused to allow a ship carrying weapons destined for Zimbabwe to dock in their ports. In the case of South Africa, it was the actions of dockworkers and drivers who refused to unload the cargo from the ship, and the court action co-sponsored by the Anglican church that prevented the arms from being transported to Zimbabwe. This is an amazing example of the power of citizens who follow their conscience and refuse to participate in actions that will harm fellow human beings -- even in defiance of their government. These actions inspire hope and courage.

It is expected that the statements by Frazer will be resisted by some African leaders in an effort to keep the Zimbabwean issue an "African issue." Unfortunately, their silence and inaction mutes their voices. The lives of Zimbabweans are not expendible and must not be sacrificed in the name of political expediency.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

There is a popular saying that the most dangerous animal is one that has been fatally wounded. This idiom provides a framework for understanding the post-election crisis and escalating violence in Zimbabwe. Prior to the elections the government was confident of winning the elections and had no plan B - the idea of losing simply did not cross their minds; it was inconceivable! They lost and their behavior attests to this. No winner would behave the way they are doing. Their target is defenseless and unarmed Zimbabweans whom they are attacking with impunity. They are unleashing a low-intensity war against their own people in order to hold on to power.

A report by the churches in Zimbabwe documents the wave of repression, violence, and intimidation that is being systematically carried out across the country.

• Organized violence perpetrated against individuals, families, and communities who are accused of campaigning or voting for the "wrong" political party in the March 29 elections has been unleashed throughout the country, particularly in the countryside and in some high-density urban areas. People are being abducted, tortured, and humiliated by being asked to repeat slogans of the political party they are alleged not to support, ordered to attend mass meetings where they are told they voted for the "wrong" candidate and should never repeat it in the run-off election for president, and, in some cases, people are murdered.

• The deterioration in the humanitarian situation is plummeting at a frightful pace. The cost of living has gone beyond the reach of the majority of our people. There is widespread famine in most parts of the countryside on account of poor harvests and delays in the process of importing maize from neighboring countries. The shops are empty and basic foodstuffs are unavailable. Victims of organized torture who are ferried to hospital find little solace as the hospitals have no drugs or medicines to treat them.

As the shepherds of the people, we appeal:

• To the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the African Union (AU), and the United Nations (U.N.) to work toward arresting the deteriorating political and security situation in Zimbabwe. We warn the world that if nothing is done to help the people of Zimbabwe from their predicament, we shall soon be witnessing genocide similar to that experienced in Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi, and other hot spots in Africa and elsewhere.

• For the immediate end to political intimidation and retribution arising from how people are perceived to have voted in the March 29, 2008, elections and arising from the desire to influence how people will vote in the anticipated run-off in the presidential poll. Youth militia and war veteran/military base camps that have been set up in different parts of the country should be closed as a step toward restoring the peace and freedom of people's movement that was witnessed before and during the elections.

• To ZEC to release the true results of the presidential poll of March 29 without further delay. The unprecedented delay in the publication of these results has caused anxiety, frustration, depression, suspicion, and, in some cases, illness among people of Zimbabwe both at home and abroad. A pall of despondency hangs over the nation, which finds itself in a crisis of expectations and governance. The nation is in a crisis, in limbo, and no real business is taking place anywhere as the nation waits.

• To, finally, the people of Zimbabwe themselves. You played your part when you turned out to vote. We, again, commend you for exercising your democratic right peacefully. At this difficult time in our nation, we urge you to maintain and protect your dignity and your vote. We urge you to refuse to be used for a political party or other people's selfish ends, especially where it concerns violence against other people, including those who hold different views from your own. It was the Lord Jesus who said, "Whatever you do to one of these little ones, you do it unto me (Matthew 25:45).

We call on all Zimbabweans and on all friends of Zimbabwe to continue to pray for our beautiful nation. As the shepherds of God's flock, we shall continue to speak on behalf of Zimbabwe's suffering masses and we pray that God's will be done.

This is a crime against humanity that needs to be confronted by the international community. The call for an international day of prayer on April 27 by Zimbabwean churches indicates the commitment to justice and peace by Zimbabweans that is rooted and informed by spiritual values and faith. We ask all persons of faith and goodwill to join us in prayer as we actively struggle for justice in Zimbabwe. Thank you and God bless.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

It is difficult to make sense of the current ominous political drama surrounding the result of the presidential elections in Zimbabwe.

Let me set the context of the elections, which were held March 29, 2008. These elections were unique in that there were four different elections taking place simultaneously. Each voter had to complete four different voting forms for presidential, senate, parliament, and local government nominations. There were about 9,000 voting stations around the country. According to a new election law, results of the votes had to be posted on the door of each voting station. This was done on March 30 by almost all the voting stations around the country. Opposition parties and civil societies were then able to collate the results. Local communities were also able to see the results.

It became apparent from the results that the opposition party Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) had won in all four categories. The MDC called a press conference and announced their victory based on the results from the voting stations across the country.

The government did not expect that they would lose. Prior to the elections, they used state resources to launch their campaign and were so confident of winning that Robert Mugabe went on TV stating that all parties should respect the outcome of the people as this was the expressed wish of the nation. He even went as far as saying that if he lost he would step down. He never imagined that he would lose to the opposition.

So the government withheld the results and slowly released the results of the parliamentary, senate, and local government elections. They lost in both parliamentary and local government and tied in the senate. There was no word on the presidential elections -- only an ominous silence and then demands for a recount. What is amazing in the delays and demands by the government is that the results have not been released, so how can there be talk of a recount and why should there be a recount!

Clearly the government knows it has been defeated – there is no other reason for them to demand recounts and act in the way they are doing. In the past few days the government has bared its teeth by harassing members of opposition parties, arresting election officers, and invading white-owned farms. The government is relying on its military forces to hold on to power because they have been defeated in the votes. It's frightening to watch the extent to which they are willing to go to hold on to power.

This is the time when Zimbabwe needs the international community to intervene on their behalf. The people have done everything in their power. At great risk they voted, believing that this would bring the change they desperately want, but, to their dismay, this instrument of freedom is turning against them. What else should people do?

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

The patience of the people of Zimbabwe is absolutely incredible. They've been living a nightmare for years (inflation is so high that a second cup of coffee in half an hour can cost twice as much as the first) and they just endured a election campaign with serious instances of vote-rigging - from ghosts on the voters' registry to bribes offered for voting for the ruling party (ZANU-PF) - yet amazing hope was the dominant emotion as people went to the polls on March 29. The voting process was calm, and the day unusually quiet.

The polls closed at 7 p.m. on Saturday night. As I write, more than two full days have passed since then, but no official results in the presidential election have been announced and official Parliamentary and local results are only dribbling in. The entire country is holding its collective breath to see whether Robert Mugabe will relinquish his hold on the presidency or rig the results and stay in power after 28 years. As the time passes, the level of frustration is rising and the atmosphere is increasingly charged.

Within a few hours after the voting ended, results were posted outside every polling place in the country. Saturday night and Sunday during the day the tallies were collected and collated by representatives of the political parties and by independent observers. Preliminary results indicated an overwhelming victory for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) opposition party, and the delay in publication of official election results is fueling suspicions that the president is refusing to step down and is cooking the results so he can stay in power. Pessimists had been predicting all along that Mugabe would steal the elections. Their fears may yet be realized.

Marie Dennis, executive director of the Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns and co-president of Pax Christi International, is serving as an election observer in Zimbabwe.

As the world awaits the results of last Saturday's election in Zimbabwe, the stakes are high. Here's one firsthand account of Robert Mugabe's tyrannous rule and disastrous mismanagement of the economy (just two of the problems that, as the April issue of Sojourners described, have prompted anti-Mugabe protests by people of faith).

Oddly, the main street of Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe, is much like Disneyland. There are massive casinos, tourist shops on every corner, and luxury hotels replete with stereotypical African décor: large elephant tusk-lined foyers, thatched roofs, and zebra rugs abound. This part of the city is meant for the tourist.

What is not meant for the tourist, and what president Mugabe does not want the rest of the world to see, are the markets and backstreets, the hovels and the empty grocery stores - the reality of Zimbabwe. At the Zimbabwe/Zambia border crossing, multitudes of women and men line up at all hours of the day, in hopes of crossing into Zambia to sell their wares, where the Zambian Kwacha fares a much better rate than the Zimbabwean dollar. Women wait - patiently, fervently, with their babies wrapped to their backs, balancing baskets on their heads for hours on end - in order to sell enough soap, homemade sadza, or beads to feed their children for the day.

When I spent time in Zimbabwe last summer, banks were open, but they had no money. American dollars were coveted, but hyperinflation made them impossible to use. The Zimbabwean government had fixed the exchange rate so that, even as its own dollar lost value by the hour, individuals seeking to legally exchange American dollars for Zim dollars would do just as well to simply give the banks their money.

The problems in Zimbabwe are much deeper than fiscal. It is uncouth to publicly say the name "Mugabe"; if it must be spoken, it is to be whispered. I learned this quickly. After sitting in a restaurant with fellow volunteers and referencing him in conversation, the entire restaurant grew silent, and I felt all sets of eyes on me. Civilians are not able to speak freely of their opinions of Mugabe. At the mentioning of his name, even in casual conversation, lips tighten and eyes avert, for fear of imprisonment or worse.

Few expected last Saturday's election in Zimbabwe to be conducted fairly, and many now look to the future of Zimbabwe with hopelessness, with or without Mugabe's leadership. But this situation is not, and cannot be, regarded as hopeless - for to concede as much would be tantamount to dismissing the future of all Zimbabweans. The truth is, there is a power in the people of Zimbabwe that cannot justly be ignored. In the history of justice movements, nothing has ever been accomplished by conceding to lost causes. Mugabe is undeserving of the amount of international attention he has received; the real story is found in the hope of his people.

Anne Junod spent last summer volunteering in Zambia and Zimbabwe with the U.K. based volunteer organization African Impact.

Will Zimbabwe's parliamentary and presidential elections, coming up Saturday, be a complete sham, like their predecessors? The government of Zimbabwe, under Robert Mugabe, has left Zimbabwe's economy in ruins and permitted the HIV/AIDS crisis rise to catastrophic levels, prompting protests among people of faith.

Here are a few websites to check for perspectives and news:

This is Zimbabwe, a blog by the protest group Sokwanele, offers on-the-ground info, including a Google Maps-based schematic of places where the government has taken steps to rig the election. At the bottom right, there's a list of other Zimbabwe-themed blogs.

ZimOnline, a South Africa-based online newspaper about Zimbabwe.

ReliefWeb's roundup of news stories and nonprofit press releases about Zimbabwe (as assembled by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs).

Elizabeth Palmberg is an assistant editor of Sojourners.

First, the very good news: a deal appears to be in sight to demobilize the murderous LRA of Uganda, which has abducted tens of thousands of children and been responsible for killings and mutilations. There are reports that

Although many internally displaced people are still sleeping in the camps they've called home for about a decade now, they're beginning to move furniture and farming tools back to their village homes.

Human rights activists warn that follow-through will make or break any agreement.

Now, the bad news: the regime in Khartoum, which is trying to weasel out of its 2005 peace agreement with southern Sudan, is likely trying to keep the LRA around to attack southern Sudan:

The [Khartoum] regime has provided military backing to the Ugandan Lord's Resistance Army, infamous for brainwashing kidnapped children to become cold killers. Now Sudan prepares once again to rescue the LRA from near-oblivion, as Khartoum will use the LRA's child soldiers in its efforts to disrupt Uganda's own peace process. Recently, reports emerged of a vicious LRA attack on civilians in southern Sudan. Yet again, no consequences.

After that was written, the LRA attacked civilians again.

(There are also rumors that Khartoum may offer LRA leader Joseph Kony, one of the world's most openly evil people, refuge among the Janjaweed in Darfur).

Elizabeth Palmberg is an assistant editor for Sojourners.

I work in one of the largest slums in Africa - Kibera - located in Nairobi, Kenya. Some years ago, I started St. Aloysius Gonzaga Secondary School to educate young people who have lost either both parents to the AIDS-pandemic, or one parent and the remaining parent is infected. I am proud to say we now have 265 students, and we are supporting another 50 graduates to go on to college.

Kenya and several other countries have made real progress in fighting AIDS with US support. On his recent trip to Africa, President Bush rightly received recognition for getting the ball rolling on expanding access to AIDS services in our region of the world, especially treatment and care for the sick and orphaned.

But, quite frankly, I am alarmed at how far removed from African reality his proposal is for the next five years of the program. Since Congress is now debating what direction to take this program, along with programs to address many health and development issues related to AIDS, I want to share what I have seen in Kibera and make a plea for realism.

We have learned a great deal about AIDS since 2003, when the U.S. first began its emergency response to the crisis in Africa. Anyone visiting us in Kibera would see that the AIDS issue cannot be viewed in isolation. My students, teachers, and their extended families face interrelated problems rooted in poverty, issues of gender, and a broken-down health system. A smart U.S. response must address this context, including the dearth of qualified medical personnel and community health workers. And to be effective, it would confront tuberculosis head on, since, as we have seen in Kibera, TB is what actually kills most people living with AIDS.

But the Bush approach, now taken up by the Republican leadership in the House, ignores these lessons. It does not seriously address any of these related issues and, worst of all, freezes funding at the current level for the next five years, even as the world is racing to meet the goal of universal access to all AIDS services by 2010.

This funding freeze would have a devastating impact on programs that serve the children I work with every day. So far, the U.S. AIDS initiative has provided crucial funding for programs that provide care for children - including school feeding programs, which have a broad impact. Yet, the president and his allies in the Congress would have these programs frozen in place instead of expanding them to meet the growing need.

Fortunately, an alternative is available. Congressman Tom Lantos, as chairman of the Committee responsible for AIDS programming in the House, understood that significantly greater funds were needed to fight AIDS and address basic capacity issues. One of the last things he did before he died of cancer was to propose five-year legislation which would update the U.S. response and provide $50 billion - not only for AIDS, but also for children's programs, TB, and malaria.

The Lantos proposal would also better meet the needs of women and girls. It would allow voluntary family planning services to women who are HIV positive and who do not wish to become pregnant. We can agree or disagree about the morality of contraception, but the truth is that helping women who may be weak and ill to avoid a dangerous pregnancy is about saving lives; and it would not promote abortion, as some pro-life groups have inaccurately stated.

The Lantos approach also eliminates the requirement that one-third of all HIV prevention dollars be spent on abstinence and fidelity. This funding restriction has been shown to not be workable on the ground. As someone profoundly committed to promoting abstinence and fidelity, my experience is that I can do my job most effectively when young people have the freedom to make moral choices. I am glad to see the Lantos bill still requires the U.S. to promote abstinence and fidelity as a part of a comprehensive approach.

Working in Kenya, I see people suffering and dying all too often from a disease that can be prevented. It is crucial that this program not become a political football, and I hope members of Congress of goodwill, from both sides of the aisle, can find a way to work together for the sake of Africa. Unless the U.S. AIDS program goes forward, together with programs that address the broader context of the epidemic, the ones who suffer the most will be the children I work with every day.

Father Terry Charlton, S.J. is the Jesuit vocation eirector for Kenya, the national chaplain of Christian Life Community, and co-founder and chaplain of the St. Aloysius Gonzaga Secondary School in Kibera.

In recent weeks, we've been watching Senator Obama and Senator Clinton try to disagree honestly without being too nasty in the process. This week, we saw Senator McCain come to the defense of Senator Obama when a warm-up speaker stooped to some low political rhetoric. Maybe the stale air of partisanship and "gotcha" politics can be replaced by some clean, fresh cooperative air ... for a while at least?

In that spirit, I think we all - Democrats, Republicans, and others - should stop what we're doing to honor President Bush for his ongoing commitment to Africa. I think Bono recently summed up what many of us feel regarding our president's concern for AIDS treatment, malaria prevention, education, and multifaceted economic development:

President Bush has every reason to be proud of what he and so many others have accomplished in Africa. From AIDS treatment once thought impossible, to millions of bednets to keep kids from dying of a mosquito bite, to new African jobs created with trade policy, to billions in old debts erased. And back in Washington, a political shift has taken place with Democrats and Republicans working shoulder to shoulder to partner with people of Africa as they work to lift their continent out of poverty, putting 29 million children in school in the last five years, with the help of debt cancellation.

Some will quickly say that more could and should be done. Yes - in fact, you'll hear from one of those voices today on the blog. But we should also acknowledge that much less could have been done. We should celebrate whenever good and beautiful things happen in this world, and President Bush has done some good and beautiful things for Africa. Kudos to him, and to all members of Congress of both parties - and to all Americans who can feel good that a portion of our taxes are being invested in this way.

Bono added,

These are accomplishments the next president must build on. ... I hope that the next president, whoever that is, will get to experience firsthand this beautiful and entrepreneurial continent that is rising to all of the challenges being sent its way.

Let's also pause a minute to pray that our next president and Congress will continue and expand what's being done. The pain and need in Africa are so great that it will take governments, businesses, churches, NGO's, individuals, and intergovernmental agencies, all doing their best - assisted by the powers of heaven - to make substantial and ongoing progress. Thanks be to God for the good that has begun to be done. God bless Africa.

Brian McLaren (brianmclaren.net) is board chair for Sojourners. He is in the middle of an eleven-city speaking tour you can learn about at deepshift.org.

My heart cries out for the people of Kenya. The unfolding crisis conjures up haunting and horrific images of Rwanda. While the situation has not reached the scale of genocide, the flawed and arguably fraudulent elections held last month have already led to far too much bloodshed and represent a major step backwards in Kenya's democracy. The aftermath from the election has inflamed simmering ethnic tensions, pitting Luos and others who support opposition leader Raila Odinga against Kikuyus and their allies, who support President Mwai Kibaki.

The media seems to be under-reporting the scale and gravity of the tribal and politically motivated violence. From the shantytown of Kibera to the rural villages of Western Kenya, people are gripped by fear, particularly Kikuyus who make up about 22 percent of the population. The roughly 500 deaths reported so far fail to capture the countless number of people who have been injured by machete or the estimated 100,000 people already displaced by the conflict. The stolen election has awakened people's deepest fears and spurred barbaric acts between former neighbors.

I've been blessed to travel to Kenya twice - most recently a year ago - and have talked to many young Kenyan professionals who lamented the lingering tribalism that impedes Kenya's future. Fierce distrust and animosity between the over 40 tribes was often manipulated by the divide and rule machinations of British colonial rule. However these brothers and sisters also expressed real optimism that Kenya was moving in the direction of making tribalism a vestige of the past. I can only imagine what they are thinking and feeling now.

The Bush Administration made a costly mistake by rushing to recognize the flawed election results that re-elected President Kibaki to power. Since this initial blunder, our government has backtracked and tried to broker a needed political compromise through the recent visit of the Under Secretary of State for Africa Jendayi Frazier. Based on the European Commission's compelling evidence that the election was stolen, the U.S. must send an unequivocal message to Kibaki's government that we refuse to recognize the outcome of this deeply flawed process. America's commitment to democracy around the world becomes even more tarnished every time we lend a blind eye to clear evidence of electoral malfeasance. Fortunately, Archbishop Desmond Tutu and the Elders group have also been working to foster reconcilation and forge a political compromise between President Kibaki and opposition leader Odinga.

What should active Christian solidarity look like in the response to this crisis? Many of our churches have direct missionary and church to church relationships with Kenyans. We must keep them in our prayers and let them know that they are not alone as they pursue the courageous path toward reconciliation. We can give to humanitarian relief efforts that are increasingly needed across the country. Finally we can escalate political pressure on the Bush Administration to play an even greater role in getting both sides to break the current political stalemate, whether through the promise of holding a new election, conducting a re-count and independent investigation, or a proposed power-sharing arrangement. Averting further bloodshed is inextricably linked to solving the political crisis in Kenya. My prayer is that our celebration of the birth of one that we call the prince of peace will lead a deeper commitment to sowing seeds of peace and reconciliation in Kenya and across the world.

Adam Taylor is director of campaigns and organizing for Sojourners.

On Dec. 1, the world commemorates World AIDS Day, a day in which we pause and remember the 25 million lives lost to the deadly epidemic. The day also challenges us to redouble our efforts to show greater solidarity with the estimated 33 million people worldwide living with HIV. The day's slogan is "Stop AIDS: Keep the Promise". This is a direct appeal to governments, policy makers, and regional health authorities to ensure that they meet the litany of targets in the fight against HIV and AIDS - especially the promise agreed to at the 2005 G8 Summit of universal access to HIV treatment, care, support, and prevention services by 2010. The 2007 theme of "leadership" highlights the stark reality that without a revolution in political will the epidemic will continue to outpace even our best response.

Dec. 1 represents a day for remembering the 2.1 million people that lost their lives this year due to this preventable and treatable disease. While we are starting to win victories in increasing access to treatment we are still losing the war to prevent new infections. Reports still show an alarming concentration of infections in the southern third of Africa, with nations such as Swaziland and Botswana reporting as many as one in four adults infected with HIV. Even closer to home, statistics released last week in Washington, D.C., reveal a state of emergency in which one in 20 residents is HIV positive - with 80 percent of cases among black men, women, and adolescents. The report shatters the common myth that AIDS is predominantly a gay disease, as 37.4 percent of newly reported cases were due to heterosexual contact. Behind these sobering statistics are real lives, real families, and real people made in the image of God.

We can give thanks to the degree to which Christians, including evangelicals, have now embraced AIDS as an urgent and legitimate cause. This weekend Pastor Rick Warren is convening thousands of faith leaders from across the country and world for his annual Summit on AIDS and the Church. I applaud his leadership in shining a spotlight on the indispensable role of the church in the fight against AIDS. However, past conferences have often shied away from the political nature of this epidemic and failed to deliver a clear call for political action to address the systemic injustices that so often fuel it. We can celebrate major advances in global treatment due in large part to increased funding through the President's Emergency AIDS Plan and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. Still, only 20 percent of people in need in the developing world currently have access. Thanks in large part to activism through the 2008 Stop AIDS campaign, all three leading Democratic Presidential candidates have agreed to a bold campaign promise to increase President Bush's pledge of $30 billion for AIDS prevention and treatment over the next five years to a figure more commensurate with the global need of $50 billion. Now we must pressure the Republican candidates to follow suit.

AIDS tests our faith as well as our humanity. Applying Matthew 25 to the contemporary age of AIDS, I believe God will also ask us "when I was living with HIV, did you love me, care for me, and use your prophetic voice to help stop the epidemic?"

The gospel music artist Donald Lawrence came out with a song last year titled "I Speak Life." As Christians we must speak life by loving and supporting people around us living with the virus. We can speak life by using our voices to challenge Congress and the Bush administration to make good on their promises to achieve universal access to treatment by the year 2010. We can speak life by breaking down the walls of stigma in our churches and communities, raising awareness, and encouraging testing. We can speak life by addressing the underlying injustices and issues that so often fuel the crisis of AIDS, including intravenous drug use, poverty, sexual violence, promiscuity, and infidelity.

An old African American Spiritual says it best:

Sometimes I feel discouraged, and think my work's in vain.
But then the Holy Spirit revives my soul again.
There is balm in Gilead to heal the wounded soul.
There is a balm in Gilead to heal the sin sick soul.

Adam Taylor is director of campaigns and organizing for Sojourners.