Virginia Mitchell and Charlton Breen of the Michigan Darfur Coalition (MDC) recently sat down for an interview with Dominic Maurice. Maurice is a former "Lost Boy" refugee from Sudan who has become a U.S. citizen and resides in Michigan. Last week, Maurice's friend, Lopez Lomong, was selected by Team USA to carry the American flag at the Olympic parade of nations in Beijing. 

Charlton Breen: I understand your journey to the United States was a long and improbable one. Can you describe it?

Dominic Maurice: I was born in the village of Chukueum in Southern Sudan. Chukueum was a beautiful village surrounded by mountains. Our family lived on a farm. My father was a teacher, while my mother stayed home to tend to our house and the children. I had started school myself, but everything changed when I was only nine years old.

The war started and the government mandated that all boys from our tribe be killed. So, 50 kids from our town left on foot. Several mothers came with us because they had boys who were too young to make the journey. Our ages ranged from 3 to 15. The majority of the boys were about my age. We had to hide and sleep during the day and walk at night. We walked directly to Kenya, where the United Nations was waiting for us in the Juja region. Not everyone survived the journey. There was no real food for many days, and people ate whatever they could find along the way. Several people died of hunger, while others were taken by animals. 

We arrived in Juja in 1991. We lived in Juja for 10 years. On December 29, 2001, I left Kenya and came to Lansing, Michigan, with two other guys. We stayed with an American family.  We met them for the first time at the airport, and they helped teach how life in the U.S. is different.

Virginia Mitchell: You recently became a U.S. citizen. Can you tell me about that experience?

Maurice: This process began around 1994. Eventually we became permanent residents of the U.S. After five years, we were eligible for citizenship. When our applications were finally approved we had to submit our fingerprints, and then wait even longer. Eventually, we received our citizenship ceremony letter. People from the MDC talked to a judge to get me a private ceremony. I had my ceremony at a junior high classroom in Detroit. One of the boys in the class had raised $2,000 for the MDC, and they were excited to be a part of the ceremony.

It's great being a citizen now, because I can travel and have a passport, and also I feel great because I know I can stay here. And, in the future I want to be able to contribute to something good, in the way that people have contributed to me.

Charlton Breen: Last week in Beijing, Lopez Lomong was chosen by Team USA to carry the flag at the parade of nations during the opening ceremony. How do you know Lopez, and what was it like to watch him at the ceremony?

Maurice: I have known Lopez since we lived together in the same compound in Kenya. We played games together. I came to the U.S. first and he came later to Syracuse, New York.  He tried out for the Olympics in Oregon, then trained in Colorado. We were together again in Colorado, because my cousin graduated from college there at the same time. 

It was very exciting to see him on TV. He means a lot to me and to all of us back home in Sudan. We are very proud to see him representing the USA. It sends a message that people can come from anywhere and achieve their dreams. But we didn't actually dream this dream when we were living together in Kenya. Who thought this would be possible? When we were back in Kenya, these types of dreams just didn't occur because we didn't know they could.  We are very thankful to the United Nations and the U.S. government for giving us the opportunity to come here.

Virginia Mitchell: What do you think of attempts to link the genocide in Darfur with the Beijing Olympics? 

Maurice: Because of a lack of coverage in the media, not everybody knew that there is a link between Sudan and China, but recent news regarding the Olympics is helping people to learn about the link. I think it is very helpful to link China to Sudan to try to get China to help the people of Sudan. I hope the Olympics can bring about a new agenda that will be helpful.

Virginia Mitchell: President Bashir has recently been indicted by the International Criminal Court. How did you feel when you heard this news?

I felt great. I won't lie. I felt great. He is a part of the problem. For the ICC to do this, it shows where the responsibility lies for the war in Darfur. I will be happy for him to appear in court.  He should be held accountable for his actions.

Charlton Breen: How do you think the international community is doing with efforts to end genocide in Darfur?

The world is doing a good job of trying to help Sudan, but the problem is with the Sudan government. The international community is trying its best.

Virginia Mitchell: You have spoken at several events for the MDC. Is it difficult for you to recount your experiences?

Maurice: It is not difficult to tell people. My mind can still remember what happened. I think people need to know. I feel good letting people know my story.

Charlton Breen: You are about to become a junior at Grand Valley State University (GVSU).  What challenges have you faced since starting college?

Maurice: Just getting through it. It takes a long time. I wish I was a senior! I want to be done, so that I can have a chance to do something more. The hardest part, though, is the financial situation. I work when I am not in school, and they (GVSU) tell me I make enough money to pay for my school expenses, but in reality, I don't have enough money after my other expenses to pay tuition. The little money that I make that is left over after expenses, I need to send home to my family in the Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya.

Virginia Mitchell: How is life for your family these days?   

Maurice: I just talked to them last week. The conditions in Kakuma are really bad. People are getting killed. You can't walk around by yourself or at night. The U.N. is still there, but their rations are too small. There's not enough food or clean water, so I send them money so they can survive.

Virginia Mitchell: Do you miss your home in Sudan? Do you plan to return there one day? 

Maurice: Yes, I miss my family and my community. But the situation is not good. Hopefully I will visit around Christmas this year. If everything goes right, I can go in December. I am still waiting for my passport, but the people of Aldersgate United Methodist Church in Grand Rapids have sponsored my airfare.

Charlton Breen: What are your dreams for the future?

Maurice: I have the same dream as Lopez to run in the Olympics. I was running track and playing soccer. But I had to change my plans to just try to support myself, and that kind of killed my dream of running. My new dream is to finish school and to work for an organization and work with children. Because organizations helped me once, so I want to help people, too. I just want to help and contribute, either to kids in Sudan or here in the U.S. I also want to write a book detailing my journey and what I had to go through to get to where I am now.

It is Tuesday, August 12, and the leaders of the political parties are still locked in talks of power sharing -- it was expected that a deal would be struck on Sunday, but to no avail, so the talks continue. Most of us are still digesting and coming to terms with the content of the proposed new deal -- some parts are hard to swallow, but I think the model of power-sharing being used by chief mediator Thabo Mbeki is modeled on the South African experience.

If you can recall, to avert violence and bring peace the African National Congress (ANC) had to compromise with the National Party. So F.W. de Klerk was made vice president and the national anthem of the National Party was incorporated into the ANC anthem. There was realism that as much as the ANC wanted absolute power, they could not wish away the NP. Power-sharing and compromise was the best option. The agreement had its flaws, but the good far outweighed the weaknesses. The question now is whether the same will happen in Zimbabwe. There are similar parallels -- Mugabe and ZANU-PF are a formidable force that cannot be wished away and have support, so it seems necessary for the sake of progress to move forward. It will be imperfect with many flaws, but it's a starting point. In a few years, Zimbabweans will vote for the government they want, as has happened in South Africa.

The point is whether the South African experience will prove effective for Zimbabwe. There are no guarantees, but there does not seem to be other alternatives that will shift Zimbabwe to a new era of peace, democracy, and freedom. It's a gamble based on a good practice, but is it best for Zimbabwe? We don't know!

Interestingly, the government has also expressed commitment to the process until a solution is found that works for both parties for the benefit of Zimbabweans. The key issue is said to be real power-sharing and the future role of Mugabe in the government of national unity. Another historical event may be playing a key role in the delay in talks. Around 1987, a government of national unity was formed between ZANU-PF and an opposition party called ZAPU. The opposition leader was given the office of second vice president, which he accepted. In reality, it was a ceremonial position with no power -- the opposition party was swallowed up and rendered powerless. This piece of history is a sober reminder of the way in which the government understands "power-sharing."

Fortunately history has lessons for the future, of which the opposition is probably keenly aware. It was reported that after the talks on Sunday, one of the key negotiators for the opposition party said: "Please pray."

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

Being at home in the land of my birth, South Africa, over the last five weeks has been awesome. It is wonderful being amongst family and friends, and having our daughter Mahalia Khanya be with our "peeps."

However, as much as the wonder and joy of being home is "something to write home about," there is also much shock and disgust brewing for me personally, as well as for the broader South African society.

People are feeling the pinch of living in a South Africa where democracy has seemingly celebrated a capitalistic culture that does very little for a large population of impoverished people in this developing country. Within an environment where democracy is in need of a social consciousness, reform is needed for the large majority of people who have been denied their rights to basic needs of education, housing, water, etc.

There are several more complexities that South Africa is dealing with, related to a failing democracy and a government that is losing sight of the vision for which it was elected. The complexities of corruption, fraud, arms deals, the Zimbabwe crisis, unemployment, HIV/AIDS, violence and crime, children living on the streets, extreme poverty, etc., are those foremost in my mind and in discussions I have been having with people working in development, child and youth care, corporations, churches, and mosques.

People are facing outrageous hikes in costs on their home loans, where monthly repayments have doubled in just two months. Prices of meat and vegetables, oil, rice, and maize meal have escalated so that a low-income family cannot afford to even purchase toilet paper and bathing soap.

However, among all the chaos of my current-day South Africa, there remains a mystical faith that propels people in the most adverse circumstances to look forward to a brighter day. I have found it most difficult at times to understand how people in such dire straits could still have the audacity to hope and have faith that things will work out right. That mystical faith, with which I have come into contact in the land of my dreams, encourages me, challenges me, and changes me. It further centers, conscientizes, and mobilizes me to continue believing, striving, pursuing, and demanding transformation that will ensure a South Africa that is caring for all its people: citizen, immigrant, and refugee.

Seth Naicker is an activist for justice and reconciliation from South Africa. He is currently studying and working at Bethel University, in St. Paul, Minnesota, as the program and projects director for the Office of Reconciliation Studies. He can be reached at seth-naicker@bethel.edu or smnaick@hotmail.com

The latest development on talks between the opposition party -- the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) -- and ZANU-PF President Robert Mugabe is that they have produced a 50-page document as a way forward in power-sharing and the installation of a transitional government. The duration of the transitional government is still being debated -- the opposition wants two years and ZANU-PF wants five. The plan is to eventually dissolve the transitional government and hold fresh elections to appoint a new government. The document is yet to be finalised by the parties. The full text is not yet available to the public -- the information I am giving is from several newspapers. Some of the key issues contained in the document are as follows:

Robert Mugabe, president ZANU-PF	President	Ceremonial president without executive power; amnesty offered on condition that he will undertake not to "seek to influence day-to-day governmental decisions, nor will he publicly criticise, expressly or by implication, decisions made by the government."
Morgan Twangirayi, president MDC	Prime minister	Has executive power; rules transitional government for x years (still being debated); appoints two vice prime-ministers, one from his party and one from ZANU-PF.
Ministry of Defense	ZANU-PF	ZANU-PF has control of army.
Police and prisons	MDC	Has control of police.
Ministry of Finance	Independent expert (not from ZANU-PF or MDC)	Challenge to find impartial visionary experts committed to the welfare of all Zimbabweans, especially the poorest of the poor (item for prayer -- please pray).

A blanket amnesty is being offered to everyone who "in the course of upholding or opposing the aims and policies of the government of Zimbabwe, Zanu-PF or either formation of the MDC, may have committed crimes within Zimbabwe." A tough call!

The document has not been officially endorsed by both parties, but it seems likely that they will with a few changes.

Given the history of Zimbabwe, there is reason for caution. However, this is a small step forward and we need to pray that truth and justice will prevail for the benefit of all Zimbabweans. Please continue to pray, and thank you for your prayers.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

Andrew Berg, an International Monetary Fund African department policy adviser, is a nice man. I know this because he spent some time talking earnestly with me after an IMF press conference in which I'd asked a pretty confrontational question about Malawi, whose 2002 famine is often partly attributed to IMF (and World Bank) advice, and whose current bumper crops are attributed to ignoring it.

Berg looks a tiny bit like The X Files' Agent Skinner, but what this conversation brought into focus for me is that the IMF is not a vast conspiracy of evil, cigarette-smoking men. It's a large, overly influential group of people who earnestly push policies that are often disastrous.

While many civil society advocates insist the IMF is imposing its will wholesale on poor countries, it insists it's just inspiring them to choose sound policies. Given the huge power imbalance here -- very poor countries often need IMF approval to help get other international loans and aid -- many critics, like me, view the IMF's claim as a farce. Berg's and his colleages' earnestness, however, convinced me that they genuinely believe they're empowering government officials to do the right economic thing in the face of their citizens' political pressure to, say, raise the salaries of civil servants when the price of food shoots up.

And the IMF's critics, including me, are wrong sometimes in blaming the IMF rather than other challenges poor countries face. Take Malawi's 2002 famine. After talking with Berg, I did more research, and discovered that he was basically right: The famine really was caused much more by bad (and likely corrupt) national governance, bad forecasts, bad weather, and bad roads, rather than by the country's agreement with the IMF to partly reduce maize reserves. (I wasn't taking Berg's word for this, but rather frequent IMF critic ActionAid's.)

It was clear that folks at the IMF did care about the food crisis (and, at least somewhat, about years of criticism from advocates for the poor). Berg agreed that policies like grain reserves should be considered on a country-by-country basis, and he was strongly supportive of crop insurance for small farmers. The IMF panelists I heard said that governments should respond to the food crisis by spending money on social safety nets. This may signal a partial change from the IMF's traditional preoccupation with cutting government spending, partly so governments can make national debt payments and partly on the theory that government spending would somehow "crowd out" otherwise-eager private investment.

Overall, though, the IMF is still disastrously wrong in its unjustified overemphasis on "market signals." Take Malawi's current abundance of grain, which happened largely because the government decided to subsidize fertilizer. In recent decades, various international "experts" have advised many poor countries to stop helping their farmers with affordable loans, seeds, and fertilizer. The theory was that it would be better for farmers to buy these things themselves after selling their crops on the world market -- a great idea if it worked, which it really hasn't.

Malawi's fertilizer program ran directly counter to the advice of the World Bank (which has since repented). And this advice was seconded by IMF executive directors' brief expression of concern last year that Malawi's "government interventions in grain and fertilizer markets have continued to impede private sector development." (At the same time, the IMF assented to the need to "protect ... pro-poor spending," and a recent IMF report says its Malawi staff is now "generally supportive" of the fertilizer program).

Perhaps the most relevant kind of market signal is the way in which, over the last four years, almost all the middle-income countries who had borrowed from the IMF (including 90 percent of its loan portfolio) have run for the exits to escape the IMF's policy, um, advice -- so that it is now mostly the world's poorest countries who are dependent on the nice, but wrong, people at the IMF.

Elizabeth Palmberg is an asssistant editor of Sojourners.

I, wisdom, dwell together with prudence;
       I possess knowledge and discretion. 
    To fear the Lord is to hate evil;
       I hate pride and arrogance,
       evil behavior and perverse speech. 
     Counsel and sound judgment are mine;
       I have insight, I have power. 
     By me kings reign
       and rulers issue decrees that are just; 
     by me princes govern,
       and nobles—all who rule on earth.

—Proverbs 8:12-16

Wisdom is the key ingredient in the revival of talks under way between the government's party (ZANU-PF) and the opposition MDC. On Monday, these two parties signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU), which sets down the framework for talks about a future government for Zimbabwe. The language of human rights, the dignity of the person, and freedom of speech and press, etc., makes this document a "foreign language" in the context of Zimbabwean politics! Here are some excerpts:

The Parties are committed to ensuring that the law is applied fairly and justly to all persons irrespective of political affiliation.

Each Party will issue a statement condemning the promotion and use of violence and call for peace in the country and shall take all measures necessary to ensure that the structures and institutions it controls are not engaged in the perpetration of violence ... [each] shall refrain from using abusive language that may incite hostility, political intolerance and ethnic hatred or undermine each other.

It is a small step in the right direction; as a Chinese proverb says, "a journey of a thousand miles begins with one step." Thank you for your prayers and support. There are many challenges that face the negotiation process, and in our prayers let us include the following:

a. The cessation of violence.

b. Wisdom for all involved to ensure that democracy, human rights, and the interests of the Zimbabwean people remain central to the process.

c. Implementation challenges that require “mind shifts” from security organs.

d. Extraordinary wisdom and strategy to come up with a solution that fits in with the unique needs of Zimbabwe.

e. Groups that have gained considerably from the status quo and have the potential to derail the process.

f. A way forward without violence.

May Wisdom bring forth justice, peace, and prosperity for Zimbabwe. Thank you so much for your prayers and commitment. May God bless you, too, in all your ways. Shalom!

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

The breeze was blowing off of Lake Tanganyika, and I was enjoying the evening with a friend at the Hotel Club Du Lac. We were enjoying a cold drink and good conversation when it occurred to me that the beachfront was filled with foreigners enjoying the beach at sunset. It was July 1, and the beach was teeming with laughter, BBQs, and a game of volleyball.  This is something we have not witnessed in Burundi for more than 15 years, and it was almost like a dream as I watched the good humor and celebration around me.

This past July 1, we celebrated the 46th anniversary of our independence from Belgium. We celebrate our Independence Day every year, but not every year has been cause for cheering, parades, and national pride.  As a matter of fact, the past 15 years have been painful for Burundians, and the holiday seemed to be a reminder of what had gone miserably wrong with our country in the wake of colonialism.  Back in 1992 our government, after much pressure from Western nations to quickly implement democracy, introduced a multiparty political system.  The following year elections were held and the people elected a president.  This was the first time a Hutu would be the president of Burundi, reflecting the majority of the population of the country.  You can imagine the celebration!  However, the joy was short-lived.  Four months after taking office, our president was killed in a coup d'etat.  This plunged the country into a bloody civil war that has lasted for 15 years.

During these dark years, we have had more to fear than to celebrate.  No less than five armed rebel groups were formed.  They roved the country, creating havoc for rural residents and city dwellers alike. It is estimated that more than half a million people were killed in a long series of skirmishes and outright hostilities. Two million more Burundians fled the country altogether, seeking refuge in neighboring countries from the turmoil in their homeland. But a refugee camp is little solace; it is not home. You are not really living so much as waiting -- waiting for the day you can return to your farm, your community, your family.

So this year when July 1 came, there was actually reason to celebrate. For the first time we could boast that all the rebel groups have disarmed and integrated into the army, that there will be no fighting on the eve of our Independence Day.

The final group just began their integration process last month, so this is a fragile time as negotiations and political maneuvering continue. Many of the refugees are returning home to Burundi. Our second democratically elected president is in office and is still alive! For the first time in 15 years we have reason to hope, reason to believe that peace is about to break on the shore of our country. This may just well mark the end of the civil strife that has plagued Burundi for so many years. Our season of war might be over at long last.

This season I would like to invite our African and Western friends to reconsider Burundi, to begin to think of my country as a peaceful and beautiful nation on the mend. We need our friends more than ever, as we still have many challenges ahead of us. Poverty, disease, delayed economic development, and poor infrastructure are all reminders of the past we are emerging from. We have farms that need to work again, a government that needs to learn to function again, and a crippling national debt that we need to address immediately for the health of our country. Burundi needs friends, investors, advocates around the globe, and, most importantly, we need your prayers and presence.

Celebrate with us -- a new day is dawning in Burundi!

Claude Nikondeha is the director of amahoro-africa.org, and divides his time between Surprise, Arizona, and Bujumbura, Burundi

.

Are not five sparrows sold for two pennies? Yet not one of them is forgotten by God. Indeed, the very hairs of your head are all numbered. Don't be afraid; you are worth more than many sparrows (Luke 12:6-7).

He will rescue them from oppression and violence, for precious is their blood in his sight (Psalm 72:14).

My friends and I were discussing the ongoing violence in Zimbabwe -- it seems senseless. Or is it? The explanation given for the violence prior to the recent elections was that it was part of "Operation: Who Did You Vote For?" -- also referred to as electoral cleansing. The goal was to ensure that the ruling party would win the elections, which they did.

But then why is the violence continuing? When the negotiations began last week between the political parties, cessation of violence was one of the key issues raised, and we all hoped the violence would eventually stop. But it has not, and the negotiations have hit a brick wall and are currently at a standstill. The loss and violation of human life goes to the heart of our faith. For each human being is made in the image of God and therefore has inherent dignity and is of infinite value.

I fear for myself and our faith communities that the ongoing violence may desensitize us to the value of human life and its preciousness to God. Somehow this is the "salt" and the "light" we need to be to keep the value of human dignity, especially the value of African life. Please continue to pray. Thank you.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

This Fulfulde proverb is often quoted when somebody is losing his or her patience, when somebody is about to make a quick decision without thinking seriously and considering carefully all the consequences of his or her actions, when a trial seems to last forever, when there is a risk of revenge, when there is a risk of conflict, or when people are tempted to react violently to a provocation.

The above African proverb from the Fulbe people aptly describes the situation in Zimbabwe. Its advice to be patient is tough for many Zimbabweans who have had to endure so much suffering politically and economically. Yet it is advice that may prove beneficial especially when it is supported by efforts designed to bring a just solution to the crisis.

The events of the past few months have created an atmosphere of fear, uncertainty, ambiguity and ambivalence about the future. Talks between the opposition and government started this week in South Africa with the opposition referring to these talks as primarily about the conditions they have set for any negotiations to take place. These conditions include the end to ongoing violence and the appointment of additional mediators to oversee the process. The international pressure on both parties is ensuring that negotiations go on. Critical to negotiations is the appointment of mediators who will have the full trust of both sides. The choice of mediators is therefore crucial to ensure that democracy, human rights, accountability, justice and the best interests of the people of Zimbabwe are upheld. Please continue to pray in this regard. I want you to know that your prayers are appreciated. God bless you too!

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

I was in Zimbabwe from June 21 to 28. I traveled by bus, and my experience is typical of what has become the norm for road travel between South Africa and Zimbabwe -- long queues and delays at the border posts and police-controlled roadblocks.

Almost all vehicles going to Zimbabwe are loaded to maximum capacity with goods from South Africa -- mostly basic foodstuff. With ever-rising inflation currently at 3 million percent, the Zimbabwean dollar cannot keep up, and the government keeps printing higher denominations of money -- for example, Z$1 billion, 5 billion, 400 million, etc. It's mind-boggling! US $100 = Z $1 trillion.

Just to give you an indication of how this translates into daily life, one banana is Z$1 billion, bread is 5 billion, and one sweet (candy) is Z$400 million, and prices rise every day! Salaries can't keep up with inflation, and that is why many Zimbabweans are economic refugees in neighbouring countries and overseas. Everyone is a billionaire and struggling to survive!

It is estimated that about half the population is dependent on food aid. This creates a situation where food becomes a political tool. Add to this the ongoing political crisis and HIV/AIDS, and you have a struggle at every level of life -- physical, mental, spiritual, psychological, social, political, and economic. Out of these multiple crises new forms of social networking have emerged, enabling many to survive and maintain a semblance of normal life. As I stood in line at the border posts, there were several groups of women traders. These networks of traders support families and enable communities to survive. They and many others are the true heroines and heroes.

People did not talk much because of fear but there was a guarded hope that perhaps the elections would bring a change. The withdrawal by the opposition took many of us by surprise but it soon became apparent that the escalating violence and suppression of the opposition made it impossible to have free and fair elections. The government went ahead with the elections. The outcome was predictable. As things stand now it feels like we have come full circle, back to square one! There is talk of possible negotiations between government and the opposition. Should such negotiations take place, there will be a need for mediators to guide the process. Please pray for the appointment of visionary and courageous mediators committed to justice and democracy who will provide clear guidelines and frameworks for the negotiations. Also continue to pray that the ongoing international, regional, and continental pressure on Zimbabwe would continue until a solution is found.

I want to end with an event that coincided with the week of the elections. I trace my interest in connecting events to my love of history. When I was in high school, one of the questions that appeared regularly in history exams required us to describe and connect the events that led to a particular war or change, etc., and so I got used to stringing up events. The event last week was the celebration of Nelson Mandela's 90th birthday! The unseen hand of history provided a critique in the form of the person of Mandela, his leadership, and his commitment to the values of freedom and democracy. It was, in Christian language, a "prophetic birthday!"

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

In the past week, the blood-stained regime ruling Sudan has once again engaged in "open and transparent effort to overthrow a neighboring government," Chad, where for the past week Sudanese-backed rebels have been attacking towns. The attacks put at risk half a million Sudanese and Chadian refugees in the region.

Khartoum seems determined to give new meaning to the phrase "repeat offender." The proxy militias it arms, in concert with the Sudanese military, continue to destroy villages and bomb schools in Darfur. Ahmad Harun--who has been indicted by the International Criminal Court for recruiting and ordering Janjaweed to commit mass rape, murder, and looting, and who should be on trial in The Hague--instead continues to be the Sudanese government minister in charge of supervising (and impeding and expelling) humanitarian workers in Darfur.

Instead of enabling Khartoum's behavior by our inaction, the international community should be putting concerted economic and legal pressure on Khartoum, and on specific officials such as Harun, to get the promised U.N. humanitarian protection force on the ground in Darfur, and to get a real peace process started like the one that won an agreement stopping Sudan's previous civil war (which was north-south, rather than east-west). Instead of replicating that success, though, we've been letting Khartoum undermine it: Last month the Sudanese Armed Forces "burned the strategic town of Abyei to the ground, leaving the North-South Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) at extreme risk, " as John Prendergast of the Enough Project pointed out to the U.N. Security Council in a briefing on Tuesday.

Read Prendergast's Tuesday Security Council briefing and Enough's new report on how to get humanitarian protection and a long-term solution in Darfur. The world has stood idly by too long.

Elizabeth Palmberg is an assistant editor of Sojourners.

I will begin with some positive news of growing international pressure on the Zimbabwean government. The United Nations secretary general has demanded an end to the violence and lifting of the ban on food aid. The U.S. secretary of state has called a meeting with African leaders to discuss the situation, and the Botswana government has issued this statement: "Botswana is alarmed by these arrests and detentions as they disrupt electoral activities of key players and intimidate the electorate, thus undermining the process of holding a free, fair and democratic election."

The latter is particularly remarkable because this is the first government in the region that has issued an official statement condemning the violence. Botswana has always been a model of democracy in Africa but is now proving to be a model of statesmanship. Other leaders have followed suit and have together presented a document calling for an end to the violence and for free and fair elections. It is encouraging to witness this swell of support. Let us continue to pray for the process to continue and materialise in concrete action.

Sadly the situation on the ground has not yet changed, and violence continues. Yesterday when I felt overwhelmed by the violence, I recalled an African parable. It is a parable about a chick that was snatched from its mother by a hawk; the chick was asked why it was crying in such a hopeless situation. It replied, "I am not crying because I hope that someone will save me but because I want the world to know what happened to me."

For the sake of many who are victims of violence or have lost family members, it is our responsibility to tell their story to let the world know what is happening. As people of faith, we go further than the chick and trust that God will hear and act through people. Please continue to pray especially as we approach the week of the elections.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

Sojourners’ June issue features a cover story by Amy Green and a column by Jim Wallis about the new paths of Christians in their 20s and 30s, plus a set of mini-interviews with 10 next-gen Christian leaders. Here’s a taste: part of Sojourners’ interview with Jena Nardella, the 26-year-old executive director of Blood:Water Mission. Started by the band Jars of Clay, this ministry works for clean water and against AIDS in Africa.

What motivated you to get involved?

A billion people in the world lack access to clean water, and women and children are the ones who suffer the most from this reality. I think people can be paralyzed by the social injustices of the world and feel the need to shut it out or feel as though there is nothing that they can do to respond to the injustices. I have always been motivated by the truth that ordinary people can do something extraordinary, if it is done with love, humility, and large doses of hope.

I had no professional training, but I had a load of passion and a willingness to learn quickly on my feet. I got involved because I believed that there was a huge potential to engage young Americans in creatively raising awareness and funds for water and HIV/AIDS support in Africa, and I believed in supporting local organizations in Africa that knew their communities better than we ever could.

What one thing would you most like to tell Christians?

God is author and creator of the world in which we live. God hates injustice and loves mercy. We are free to live for ourselves, but living for something greater than ourselves brings joy deeper than understanding. We live in a deeply broken world, and it needs your love—whether in your family, neighborhood, or halfway across the globe. Just don't miss out.

What’s your biggest challenge personally?

Balancing hope with reality, and staying on the side of hope. After countless visits to African communities in the last four years, I have been on a roller coaster of extreme optimism and utter disillusionment. Poverty cannot be alleviated by charity. Charity cannot just be handouts of leftovers. And leftovers aren't what the world needs.

But even if you give it your all, the challenges that accompany community development, politics, scarce resources, empty leadership, and histories of oppression make hope feel weak sometimes. But I celebrate the seemingly small and yet significant changes that come as a result of hardworking African communities and generous Americans. A simple cup of cool water is something that bears greater hope than I could have ever imagined—because it represents so much more. I have seen more than 250,000 people work toward access to clean water in their communities as a result of a resilient hope. The structures of poverty and brokenness compel us toward defeat. And I choose hope.

+ Read the full interview

Xenophobic violence has generated public debates on a wide range of themes, such as the meaning of “being African”; issues of identity and values; the relationship between South Africa and the rest of Africa; the role of African states in the struggle against apartheid as a corrective to perceptions of "separateness" from the rest of the continent; and a crisis of leadership.

That last point continues to dominate public debates and newspapers. There is a general feeling that a leadership vacuum has been exposed by the xenophobic violence. The events in Zimbabwe are a case in point. Yesterday, June 4, the leader of the opposition party was arrested, detained for eight hours, and was later released. This happened at a time when two of Africa’s most powerful leaders were meeting in South Africa -- the presidents of Nigeria and South Africa. It’s a historic moment and opportunity for these two leaders to use the crisis in Zimbabwe and the xenophobic violence to articulate a vision for Africa informed by human rights, justice, democracy, and nonviolence, and to make a commitment to stand up against any violation of these values in Africa. The situation in Zimbabwe affords them an opportunity to practice and promote this vision and values. It remains to be seen if this moment in history will be capitalized upon or allowed to slip.

Thank you for your prayers. So far there have been no more reports of xenophobic violence. However, the problem currently being faced is the impact of the violence on thousands of foreign nationals. The government has set up temporary shelters. Several organisations, including Oxfam, are monitoring the situation to ensure that the shelters meet health and safety standards. The situation in Zimbabwe continues to deteriorate – please continue to pray. God bless and thanks for your support.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

The genocidal situation in Darfur continues to worsen, with more killings and increased attacks on peacekeepers.  All the efforts to date by the U.N., the U.S., and other governments have failed to stop the atrocities. 

In this morning’s New York Times, the Save Darfur coalition ran an ad with the message: “We stand united and demand that the genocide and violence in Darfur be brought to an end.”  It was signed by the three remaining presidential candidates – Hillary Rodham Clinton, John McCain, and Barack Obama.   The statement, We Stand United On Sudan, concluded: 

Today, we wish to make clear to the Sudanese government that on this moral issue of tremendous importance, there is no divide between us. We stand united and demand that the genocide and violence in Darfur be brought to an end and that the CPA be fully implemented. Even as we campaign for the presidency, we will use our standing as Senators to press for the steps needed to ensure that the United States honors, in practice and in deed, its commitment to the cause of peace and protection of Darfur’s innocent citizenry. We will continue to keep a close watch on events in Sudan and speak out for its marginalized peoples. It would be a huge mistake for the Khartoum regime to think that it will benefit by running out the clock on the Bush Administration. If peace and security for the people of Sudan are not in place when one of us is inaugurated as President on January 20, 2009, we pledge that the next Administration will pursue these goals with unstinting resolve.

An Associated Press story called it a rare show of bipartisan unity.  It is that, and it is also a hopeful sign that on this moral issue, there are indeed no Democrats or Republicans, conservatives or liberals, only compassion and a commitment to do everything possible to bring an end to the horror in Darfur.

In the back and forth concerning the role South Africa must play in the crisis of human rights abuses under the reign of Robert Mugabe and his cronies, it is my belief that we must see some form of serious intervention.

I understand the need for diplomacy, which always calls for "you scratch my back, I’ll scratch yours." But when endless reports have been publicized of the atrocities that the people of Zimbabwe are facing, South African President Thabo Mbeki must engage ways to ensure that we as a South African people do not repeat history in our failure to act for justice -- as Bishop Tutu rightfully pointed out in the tragedy of Rwanda.

Mbeki can use people like Dr. Gerrie Lubbe, Dr. Allan Boesak, Bishop Tutu, and many other social activists who should be strategically commissioned to have a round-table discussion with Mugabe and his crew.

While the world, and even South Africa, remains largely disengaged from this crime against humanity that is occurring in Zimbabwe, people are dying. Must someone declare that there is genocide taking placing before the United Nations, the African Union, and world leaders will make a stand?. If this is the case, let me proclaim, "There is genocide taking place in Zimbabwe!" -- a genocide that may be ethnic, it may be cultural, but most definitely political.

For all that Mugabe has seen in his lifetime, one cannot understand how elder Mugabe can allow his people to suffer at his hand. At one time in our not-too-distant history, Mugabe was one of the most celebrated African leaders. How has this former champion of his people become the enslaver and dictator?

Let us work to mobilize our networks and resources, and our power and influence to aid the people of Zimbabwe. Do what you can to see this hypocrisy and abuse of human rights come to an end.

Seth Naicker is an activist for justice and reconciliation from South Africa. He is currently studying and working at Bethel University, in St. Paul, Minnesota, as the program and projects director for the Office of Reconciliation Studies. He can be reached at: seth-naicker@bethel.edu or smnaick@hotmail.com

We know that the government of Sudan responds to civil war by targeting innocent civilians—a strategy based on its weakness as well as its evil. This is the strategy the Khartoum regime used in southern Sudan until the international community pressured it into a 2005 peace accord. It’s what the regime is doing now in Sudan’s western area, Darfur.

So it’s not surprising that, after one of Darfur’s rebel groups attacked targets on the outskirts of Khartoum two weeks ago, the regime has responded by rounding up civilians from Darfuri ethnic groups living in Khartoum, killing some, torturing others, and hiding many God knows where.

We shouldn’t be surprised, but we should be on the ball. This escalation of the civil war in Sudan—in which rebels from a rural province reached the fringes of the capital city, gaining a public relations coup—only emphasizes that we need a real, substantive peace process, involving civilians as well as the different Darfuri rebel groups. Rather than the drive-by diplomacy of the past few years, this process must follow in Darfur the successful model we used to get the peace agreement in south Sudan: a full-court press of economic and political pressure from a united international community. (For more on what it takes to bring Khartoum to heel, check out Sojourners’ interview with Enough Project co-founder Gayle Smith earlier this year).

Instead, we’re letting even the agreement in the South slip through our fingers: Khartoum has repeatedly and openly broken its 2005 commitments about the oil-rich region of Abyei, and has instead been arming ethnically targeted militias there. Recently, the situation has escalated into fighting between Sudan’s army and the SPLA in the oil-rich region of Abyei, fighting that has driven at least 30,000 people from their homes, according to a U.N. bulletin this Wednesday.

Elizabeth Palmberg is an assistant editor of Sojourners.

Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.

- William Butler Yeats, from his poem, "The Second Coming"

When I listen to stories of victims of the xenophobic violence in South Africa and compare those with the stories of victims of electoral cleansing in Zimbabwe, things fall apart because the experiences of violence are similar. How can this be? How can the experience of violence in a democracy be the same as that in a dictatorship? For the victims of violence -- most of whom are the poorest of the poor -- their experience blurs the distinction between a democracy and a dictatorship. Similarly, for the perpetrators of violence, democracy has not changed their material condition and has no real value. Are they the only role-players in this violence? What about our leaders and institutions dealing with welfare, immigration, housing, etc.? What about regional leaders' responsibility to challenge dictatorship? The violence is a collective shame that requires collective responsibility.

The violence is spreading like wildfire and is unstoppable. The headline in all the newspapers is "flames of hatred," with pictures of the latest act of brutality -- namely, pouring petrol on victims and setting them alight. The spirit of hatred and violence has taken root and it is unlikely that the violence will stop. Listening to talk shows on the radio, it is alarming to hear some of the hate speech. A friend phoned me last night and she was terrified because she narrowly missed being attacked. She lives in the centre of Johannesburg and locals told residents in the block of flats where she lives that they will be returning with enough petrol to set the building on fire and burn them all. The police have lost control. It feels surreal, and as I lie in bed -- safe for the moment -- I challenge myself to make my temporal safety an opportunity to do something. I am not sure what at the moment, but I am sure that I can find something to do -- join those trying to do something. I know that the starting place is prayer, because that is the only hate-free zone!

We need prayers for South Africa. Please include these requests in your prayers:

• actions to bring an end to the violence, as it is now spreading to other parts of the country
• visionary leaders who will "make concrete" the values and benefits of democracy for the poor
• healing and restoration of victims of violence
• justice and rehabilitation of perpetrators of violence
• new spirit and revival of African humaneness of "ubuntu"
• churches and individuals who have responded to the plight of the victims of violence to continue and find the resources they need.

In Zimbabwe, the date of the presidential election has been set for June 27, 2008. The violence is continuing and spreading across the country. There have been calls for the establishment of a government comprising both the opposition and "ruling party" so that the political situation can be stabilised first before an election. I doubt whether the "ruling party" will accept this -- they will insist on elections. In this context, prayers are needed -- please include the following requests in your prayers:

• for regional leaders to have the wisdom and courage to come up with alternative strategies toward resolving the deteriorating situation
• for victims of violence and their families
• for military leaders behind the violence
• for the leadership of the opposition -- for courage, vision, and perseverance that will strengthen the resolve of their supporters who face violence and torture
• for the biggest miracle of all -- the birth of a new democratic Zimbabwe!

Thank you all for your support and I hope that one day when things turn around for the best, we can pray for you too!

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

As a South African, it is a downright shame that brothers and sisters from other countries in Africa are being treated with such disregard. This injustice that has transpired is repulsive, shocking, and disgusting.

However, we must put pressure on the government to address this matter of xenophobia. President Mbeki needs to speak out against it, without delay of or need for investigation. The news reports are definitive enough and cannot be denied, so our president must stand up and condemn these acts of violence.

The complexity of South Africans acting out in frustration of their own circumstances, as people who are agitated by the non-delivery of democratic promises, can and must be understood, but not to the extent that we take out our frustration on our fellow African brothers and sisters who are need of our support, understanding, and love.

It is my hope that businesses, nonprofits, churches, mosques, temples, and any form of organized religion in the townships, suburbs, and all over South Africa make a stand for justice and play a major role in bringing these acts of violence to an end. It is my hope that government will quicken its steps and intervene. It is not enough to say this xenophobia must stop; we must see action by way of a national state of emergency to stop this nonsense immediately!

Let us do whatever it is we can to stop these human rights abuses in South Africa, where our own history does not allow us to forget the days when our comrades were being housed in exile by countries such as Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Kenya. The collective memory of our people must be reminded of those days within apartheid and that this violence must stop!

We need not grow weary in this time. Neither must we grow less Afrocentric or become pessimistic about our continent, our people, our motherland, our beloved South Africa. Instead we should call for peace, and stand for justice. The "I am African-ness" of our people, our continent, and our South African nation must be called upon to remember that we are African.

I am disturbed but I am African.
I am discouraged but I am African.
I am perplexed but I am African.

Our collective memory as an African people must rise again with a consciousness that reminds us of our centeredness in "I am because we are."

Seth Naicker is an activist for justice and reconciliation from South Africa. He is currently studying and working at Bethel University, in St. Paul, Minnesota, as the program and projects director for the Office of Reconciliation Studies. He can be reached at: seth-naicker@bethel.edu or smnaick@hotmail.com

This week has been marred by xenophobic violence in Alexandra Township, Johannesburg, South Africa. The violent attacks targeted foreign nationals whom locals accuse of being responsible for crime, job loss, "taking their girlfriends," and other social problems. The violence meted on foreigners included murder, robbery, looting, rape, and violent assault. Most of the victims are Zimbabweans. One reason for this could be the high number of Zimbabwean refugees in South Africa.

Currently many foreigners are being sheltered at police camps and the Red Cross is providing food and blankets. The timing could not have been worse because it parallels the ongoing post-election violence in Zimbabwe that has caused many Zimbabweans to flee to neighbouring countries.

An issue that is being raised is whether there is a "third force" behind the violence or whether the violence is an unintended coincidence -- i.e., it would have happened anyway and is unrelated to the political situation in Zimbabwe. In a survey done by one of the leading local newspapers, The Sowetan, readers were divided on this issue with just over 50% disagreeing that a third force was behind the attacks.

Despite the condemnation of the violence by politicians, the situation is deteriorating and the violence against foreigners is spreading to other areas. It is an experience of double trauma for many Zimbabweans.

I am struggling to come to terms with the violence around me and to respond to the issues that are being raised. However, I believe there is a prophetic Christian response informed by justice and compassion that can address the concerns of both foreigners and South Africans in the spirit of common humanity. Pray for us that as Christians we would find this prophetic response and be part of the healing and restoration of common humanity.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

This weekend Zimbabwe's opposition party announced that it would take part in the next round of presidential "elections." Violence, harassment, and intimidation of unarmed citizens continue as part of the government's preparation for the "elections." In my understanding, there are three basic rules that qualify a process to be described as a legitimate election (election 101!):

1. Elections are part of a democratic package that includes freedom, democracy, and peace. Without this package or context, elections cannot be expected to achieve their intended function -- namely, to elect a party or candidate of choice.
2. Elections presuppose political maturity, which understands that to participate in an election a party could:

a. Win or
b. lose but
c. cannot be both (a) and (b)

3. Acceptance of results is part of the election process. In the event of losing a party should not resort to political tantrums and attack the winner. This is a serious violation of the first election principle above and therefore constitutes a violation of human rights.

In the case of Zimbabwe, none of the above apply. Despite these serious constraints the opposition and the people are determined to use this window of opportunity to fight for democracy. The international media has played a significant role in ensuring that Zimbabwe is on the "big screen," visible for all to see. This effort needs to be supported by active participation by the international community in the "election" process as it happens. This support is critical. Violence cannot be allowed to triumph as a political tool that overrides the election process. This is our prayer and plea for support.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

The following is an interview with Abigail Disney, producer of the documentary Pray the Devil Back to Hell, which recently won the award for best documentary feature at the 2008 Tribeca Film Festival.

What sparked your interest in wanting to make a documentary about Liberia?

The fact that the newly elected president of Liberia was a woman was notable, especially since the continent had had so few women in leadership, and that women had been so peculiarly and sadistically targeted during their war. I knew there had to be a backstory. She hadn't just arisen spontaneously.

How were Christian and Muslim women able to come together for a common cause?

They were all so completely fed up with war that they were willing to overcome their reluctance. There was some mistrust at first, but the longer they spent time together in prayer and fasting the more they came to understand and empathize with each other. Friendships were forged on the field that will exist for a long time—it is quite possible that the nature of the relationship between Christian and Muslim was forever changed in Liberia.

Elaborate on the role that religious leaders played in helping to bring about peace to Liberia.

While it may seem unlikely, the fact is that the warlords and even Charles Taylor were quite religious. Religious leaders therefore were among the only people who could influence them, even in the chaotic atmosphere of war. But women were dissatisfied with the limited way in which the religious leaders wielded that influence. So the campaign really began with the women bringing pressure on the leaders via their religious confidants. This pressure ultimately was one of the reasons Taylor and the rebels decided to come to peace talks in Ghana.

How did prayer inform these women's social justice actions?

All of the women in this film were deeply, deeply religious and believed with all of their hearts and minds in the power of prayer to influence events and people. This was a critical aspect of their plan, and a big part of what made them so tenacious and persistent in their protests. But more than this, prayer was a source of personal strength to each of the women. They gained strength through their individual practice of prayer, but also the communal practice of prayer was an extraordinary glue that held the group together in spite of all kinds of pressures to pull them apart.

Explain the significance of the Lutheran church that you filmed for this documentary.

St. Peter's Lutheran Church was the scene of the first organizing meeting for the Christian Women's Peace Initiative, early in the film. In 1989, however, that church was also the scene of one of the most horrific massacres in the pre-war period. Samuel Doe's army, in anticipation of Charles Taylor's assault on Monrovia, went into the church and slaughtered more than 600 members of a rival ethnic group in a single night. The candlelight vigil in the middle of the film takes place on the church compound on top of the mass grave that contains most of those bodies. The church was and still is the church that Leymah Gbowee attended, and a source of great strength and counsel to her. It was also through the Lutheran Church that WIPNET, her organization, got offices and also got its first international donations.

Why is Leymah Gbowee the focal character of your story?

Everyone acknowledged her to be the leader and the face of the peace movement. But more than this, Leymah was so clearly charismatic, articulate, and genuine that I knew that a film with her at the center could not fail to be compelling. She is one of the most gifted people I have ever met.

What can we do to enable this change to continue without imposing our Western values on this culture?

I think you are precisely right here. Why do we insist on imposing "solutions" that are always at best temporary, and at worst impractical and even disrespectful to indigenous cultures? I think at heart we are sometimes deeply mistrustful of the competence of indigenous cultures to find their own answers. And when we impose programs, very often we do so in such a manner as to set them hunting for external money that is scarce, inadequate, and hard to get. The answer is to do some better listening. As people coming in from the global North we need to arrive in places with a little less confidence in our "answers" and a little more confidence in the people we are there to serve. People aren't poor because they don't have values, don't have smarts, don't have gumption—people are poor because they don't have money. We need to recognize that most of the "resources" needed to fight the world's problems are also the victims of those problems.

What's been the response when you've shown this film?

The response has been overwhelmingly emotional, connected, and positive. And this is not just from people in the U.S. We have already shown the film in many countries to women's groups and the response has been so moving. Women in Iraq wept when they saw it, and immediately asked how many copies they could make so as to make sure that it is shown in people's homes all over the country. Women from Sudan e-mailed us to say that they felt sure that lives were being changed by the dialogues the film had sparked. In Tblisi, Georgia, women sat down immediately after the film and wrote up a Peace Agenda that is now making its way around the country for women's signatures. What is remarkable is the way that so many women were already poised to work together for peace—all the film does is remind them how powerful they are when they work together. It is a spark of faith in dark times.

What are the future plans for this documentary and how can interested churches and nonprofits arrange for showings of this film?

We hope to work with churches and other religious organizations along with youth groups, women's organizations, and other interested partners to get the film seen far and wide. At the moment we are still forming distribution plans, but churches that are interested in seeing the film should go to our Web site and give us their information so that when we are set up for distribution we can get in touch with them.

Becky Garrison will be featured in the upcoming documentary The Ordinary Radicals, directed by Jamie Moffett, co-founder of The Simple Way.

Journalist Andrew B. traveled from South Africa to Zimbabwe to gather firsthand accounts of the violence perpetrated by supporters of Robert Mugabe (ZanuPF) against opposition supporters (MDC). The stories and photos he gathered are graphic and disturbing, but they are important documents in expressing the depth of the crisis there and the vital need for resolution.

Tandi,
Kotwa, Mudzi North province:

Four of us were walking together and we saw the ZanuPF Youth approaching. We ran but they caught me and forced me to the water. "You have to surrender your information to us. You are a son of ZanuPF. We baptize you in the name of ZanuPF."

I was drowning. My mind started to go dark as I prayed to God. I do not know what happened but suddenly the men holding me under the water were gone and my feet found the ground. I lay on the bank of the river coughing and choking. My friends found me and took me to Harare in a man's car.

We are punished because we do not accept ZanuPF as God. This is why we are punished. Many days in a row we go without food. Sometimes we are forced to drink standing water. They take. They burn Zimbabwe. We are dying.

+ Download Andrew's full report (warning: graphic images).

The Zimbabwean tragedy continues. Presidential results were released after a record five-week delay! According to election law, a candidate must secure above 50% of the vote to be declared a winner. If there is no winner, a rerun must occur three weeks after the announcement of the results. There are loopholes in the election law that give the election commissioner powers to extend the time period for a rerun. The results are as follows:

Morgan Tswangirayi 47.9%
Mugabe 43.2%
Makoni 8.3%
Langton .6%

It appears that no candidate has won and that a rerun is inevitable. There are widespread concerns about the integrity of the election process. Although the opposition has reservations about the results, they have been placed in a difficult position. If they boycott the rerun, then the government will be declared winners. However, the ongoing post-election violence against opposition members has created a situation in which it is impossible for there to be free and fair elections. Another perspective that has been offered to explain the post-election violence is that it could be a ploy to intimidate the opposition from participating in the rerun so that the government could be declared winners by default. Either way, the use of violence as a weapon to thwart democracy and freedom should not be tolerated. The international community must act to ensure that the values of democracy and freedom are upheld in Zimbabwe. The denial of freedom and democracy to one nation is the denial of these values in all nations. Your prayers and support are deeply appreciated. Thank you.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

A lot has happened this past week, starting with the international day of prayer for Zimbabwe on Sunday, April 27. Churches all over the world stood in solidarity with the plight of Zimbabweans and condemned the widespread violence and intimidation of citizens by the government.

Not surprisingly, there were counterclaims by government and some politicians in the region that the violence is exaggerated and not "serious." This got me thinking about what constitutes "serious violence." Is it mass massacres where thousands upon thousands of lives are lost? By defining crisis in relation to statistics, politicians continue to devalue the lives of Africans.

This "life-devaluing" rhetoric presents a challenge to faith communities to enter the political discourse with a different language that links the struggle for justice with the dignity and value of life. While it is important to point out and expose the acts of terror being perpetuated, we need to be weary of being dragged down into the same frame of reference. It would be a sad day indeed if we found ourselves sharing the same vocabulary and vilifying the other.

For me, the day of prayer for Zimbabwe was an important reminder that as people of faith we enter into the struggle for justice with a different language, ethos, and an intentional commitment to the welfare of all -- particularly the poor. Therefore, we pray for a different army for Zimbabwe, an army of visionary leaders who are competent experts in every area of governance, such as education, health, politics, justice, economics, trade, agriculture, housing, and business (for example, mining, manufacturing, trade, and commerce). This is the real liberation army!

We pray also for the present, for wisdom to be given (at the Solomon and Daniel level!) to strategic persons who have the power to change the situation so that the political crisis will be resolved expediently and justly. More importantly, that prophetic wisdom be given to church leaders so that they may continue to play an important role in this process. The role of the church has been remarkable!

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

Catholic and Protestant church groups in Zimbabwe have voiced deep alarm about the Mugabe government's organized violence against those perceived to have voted against it, and its refusal to release the results of the March 29 elections. Despite the economic and social disaster Mugabe's government has brought on Zimbabwe in recent years, the government has, as one news article put it recently, maintained "support among neighboring countries where many still hold him in awe as an African liberation hero" of Zimbabwe's 1980 overturning of white-minority rule.

As Zimbabwean theologian Dr. David Kaulemu described at last month's Ecumenical Advocacy Days, many African countries are struggling not just with the ghosts of colonialism, but also with the ghosts of the liberation movement-- the fact that the concepts and leadership style that helped win independence can hinder the development of democracy. We spoke with Kaulemu after his presentation.

Sojourners: It seems, especially in the situation in Zimbabwe, that the ghost of the liberation movement is a very real and very current issue.

Kaulemu: That's a real challenge—appreciating the values, the vision of the liberation struggle, but also appreciating the limitations. Our liberation movements, the way in which they developed their skills, their personnel, their visions, and also their institutions, failed to turn them into institutions for governance and for real freedom for everyone in the country.

And so the challenge here is in reconstructing, both in terms of our vision and also in terms of our institutions, and also our personnel, our skills—reconstructing in such a way that we speak a different language where we are really concerned about the poverty in the country, we're really concerned about the dignity of human beings—each and every human being—it doesn't matter which tribe, which ethnic group, which race. And so to really begin to talk about new citizenship in a free Zimbabwe.

Do you see ways in which the faith community is helping to take the next step toward that reconstruction you're describing?

The faith communities are making a contribution. They have begun to raise certain issues, certain questions, which will help to move us forward.

These same institutions have challenges .… For a lot of church leaders, they in a sense forgot about their gospel and took the gospel of the liberation struggle. And for those whose imagination continues to be determined by the liberation struggle, you can see them using the church for the purposes of those political goals.

But we are beginning to see leaders who are now saying, we have our own values as Christians or as faith communities, which made us support the liberation struggle. Not that the liberation struggle molded our values, but that we agreed with some of the basic tenets of the liberation struggle—but from the point of view of faith communities. And that disjunction, that distinction, is beginning to be clarified more and more.

Dr. David Kaulemu is the regional coordinator for Eastern and Southern Africa at the African Forum on Catholic Social Teachings in Harare, Zimbabwe. He is also a visiting fellow at Georgetown University's Woodstock Theological Center. He spoke with Sojourners assistant editor Elizabeth Palmberg at last month's Ecumenical Advocacy Days in Washington, D.C.

This morning's newspaper headlines are about the comment on Zimbabwe made by Jendayi Frazer, U.S. assistant secretary for African Affairs. Her statements reflect the reality of the situation in Zimbabwe that is evident to most people, including African leaders -- namely, that the current post-election crisis is happening because Mugabe lost the elections and his current presidency and government is constitutionally illegal. The silence from African leaders reminds me of the story of the emperor who was naked but none of his peers or officials had the courage to point this out to him -- except the little boy who pointed out the obvious. Only two African leaders have been vocal about their opposition to the crisis in Zimbabwe - these leaders are from Zambia and Botswana. However, I must add that, to their credit, Namibia, Angola, Mozambique, and South Africa refused to allow a ship carrying weapons destined for Zimbabwe to dock in their ports. In the case of South Africa, it was the actions of dockworkers and drivers who refused to unload the cargo from the ship, and the court action co-sponsored by the Anglican church that prevented the arms from being transported to Zimbabwe. This is an amazing example of the power of citizens who follow their conscience and refuse to participate in actions that will harm fellow human beings -- even in defiance of their government. These actions inspire hope and courage.

It is expected that the statements by Frazer will be resisted by some African leaders in an effort to keep the Zimbabwean issue an "African issue." Unfortunately, their silence and inaction mutes their voices. The lives of Zimbabweans are not expendible and must not be sacrificed in the name of political expediency.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

There is a popular saying that the most dangerous animal is one that has been fatally wounded. This idiom provides a framework for understanding the post-election crisis and escalating violence in Zimbabwe. Prior to the elections the government was confident of winning the elections and had no plan B - the idea of losing simply did not cross their minds; it was inconceivable! They lost and their behavior attests to this. No winner would behave the way they are doing. Their target is defenseless and unarmed Zimbabweans whom they are attacking with impunity. They are unleashing a low-intensity war against their own people in order to hold on to power.

A report by the churches in Zimbabwe documents the wave of repression, violence, and intimidation that is being systematically carried out across the country.

• Organized violence perpetrated against individuals, families, and communities who are accused of campaigning or voting for the "wrong" political party in the March 29 elections has been unleashed throughout the country, particularly in the countryside and in some high-density urban areas. People are being abducted, tortured, and humiliated by being asked to repeat slogans of the political party they are alleged not to support, ordered to attend mass meetings where they are told they voted for the "wrong" candidate and should never repeat it in the run-off election for president, and, in some cases, people are murdered.

• The deterioration in the humanitarian situation is plummeting at a frightful pace. The cost of living has gone beyond the reach of the majority of our people. There is widespread famine in most parts of the countryside on account of poor harvests and delays in the process of importing maize from neighboring countries. The shops are empty and basic foodstuffs are unavailable. Victims of organized torture who are ferried to hospital find little solace as the hospitals have no drugs or medicines to treat them.

As the shepherds of the people, we appeal:

• To the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the African Union (AU), and the United Nations (U.N.) to work toward arresting the deteriorating political and security situation in Zimbabwe. We warn the world that if nothing is done to help the people of Zimbabwe from their predicament, we shall soon be witnessing genocide similar to that experienced in Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi, and other hot spots in Africa and elsewhere.

• For the immediate end to political intimidation and retribution arising from how people are perceived to have voted in the March 29, 2008, elections and arising from the desire to influence how people will vote in the anticipated run-off in the presidential poll. Youth militia and war veteran/military base camps that have been set up in different parts of the country should be closed as a step toward restoring the peace and freedom of people's movement that was witnessed before and during the elections.

• To ZEC to release the true results of the presidential poll of March 29 without further delay. The unprecedented delay in the publication of these results has caused anxiety, frustration, depression, suspicion, and, in some cases, illness among people of Zimbabwe both at home and abroad. A pall of despondency hangs over the nation, which finds itself in a crisis of expectations and governance. The nation is in a crisis, in limbo, and no real business is taking place anywhere as the nation waits.

• To, finally, the people of Zimbabwe themselves. You played your part when you turned out to vote. We, again, commend you for exercising your democratic right peacefully. At this difficult time in our nation, we urge you to maintain and protect your dignity and your vote. We urge you to refuse to be used for a political party or other people's selfish ends, especially where it concerns violence against other people, including those who hold different views from your own. It was the Lord Jesus who said, "Whatever you do to one of these little ones, you do it unto me (Matthew 25:45).

We call on all Zimbabweans and on all friends of Zimbabwe to continue to pray for our beautiful nation. As the shepherds of God's flock, we shall continue to speak on behalf of Zimbabwe's suffering masses and we pray that God's will be done.

This is a crime against humanity that needs to be confronted by the international community. The call for an international day of prayer on April 27 by Zimbabwean churches indicates the commitment to justice and peace by Zimbabweans that is rooted and informed by spiritual values and faith. We ask all persons of faith and goodwill to join us in prayer as we actively struggle for justice in Zimbabwe. Thank you and God bless.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

It is difficult to make sense of the current ominous political drama surrounding the result of the presidential elections in Zimbabwe.

Let me set the context of the elections, which were held March 29, 2008. These elections were unique in that there were four different elections taking place simultaneously. Each voter had to complete four different voting forms for presidential, senate, parliament, and local government nominations. There were about 9,000 voting stations around the country. According to a new election law, results of the votes had to be posted on the door of each voting station. This was done on March 30 by almost all the voting stations around the country. Opposition parties and civil societies were then able to collate the results. Local communities were also able to see the results.

It became apparent from the results that the opposition party Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) had won in all four categories. The MDC called a press conference and announced their victory based on the results from the voting stations across the country.

The government did not expect that they would lose. Prior to the elections, they used state resources to launch their campaign and were so confident of winning that Robert Mugabe went on TV stating that all parties should respect the outcome of the people as this was the expressed wish of the nation. He even went as far as saying that if he lost he would step down. He never imagined that he would lose to the opposition.

So the government withheld the results and slowly released the results of the parliamentary, senate, and local government elections. They lost in both parliamentary and local government and tied in the senate. There was no word on the presidential elections -- only an ominous silence and then demands for a recount. What is amazing in the delays and demands by the government is that the results have not been released, so how can there be talk of a recount and why should there be a recount!

Clearly the government knows it has been defeated – there is no other reason for them to demand recounts and act in the way they are doing. In the past few days the government has bared its teeth by harassing members of opposition parties, arresting election officers, and invading white-owned farms. The government is relying on its military forces to hold on to power because they have been defeated in the votes. It's frightening to watch the extent to which they are willing to go to hold on to power.

This is the time when Zimbabwe needs the international community to intervene on their behalf. The people have done everything in their power. At great risk they voted, believing that this would bring the change they desperately want, but, to their dismay, this instrument of freedom is turning against them. What else should people do?

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

The patience of the people of Zimbabwe is absolutely incredible. They've been living a nightmare for years (inflation is so high that a second cup of coffee in half an hour can cost twice as much as the first) and they just endured a election campaign with serious instances of vote-rigging - from ghosts on the voters' registry to bribes offered for voting for the ruling party (ZANU-PF) - yet amazing hope was the dominant emotion as people went to the polls on March 29. The voting process was calm, and the day unusually quiet.

The polls closed at 7 p.m. on Saturday night. As I write, more than two full days have passed since then, but no official results in the presidential election have been announced and official Parliamentary and local results are only dribbling in. The entire country is holding its collective breath to see whether Robert Mugabe will relinquish his hold on the presidency or rig the results and stay in power after 28 years. As the time passes, the level of frustration is rising and the atmosphere is increasingly charged.

Within a few hours after the voting ended, results were posted outside every polling place in the country. Saturday night and Sunday during the day the tallies were collected and collated by representatives of the political parties and by independent observers. Preliminary results indicated an overwhelming victory for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) opposition party, and the delay in publication of official election results is fueling suspicions that the president is refusing to step down and is cooking the results so he can stay in power. Pessimists had been predicting all along that Mugabe would steal the elections. Their fears may yet be realized.

Marie Dennis, executive director of the Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns and co-president of Pax Christi International, is serving as an election observer in Zimbabwe.

As the world awaits the results of last Saturday's election in Zimbabwe, the stakes are high. Here's one firsthand account of Robert Mugabe's tyrannous rule and disastrous mismanagement of the economy (just two of the problems that, as the April issue of Sojourners described, have prompted anti-Mugabe protests by people of faith).

Oddly, the main street of Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe, is much like Disneyland. There are massive casinos, tourist shops on every corner, and luxury hotels replete with stereotypical African décor: large elephant tusk-lined foyers, thatched roofs, and zebra rugs abound. This part of the city is meant for the tourist.

What is not meant for the tourist, and what president Mugabe does not want the rest of the world to see, are the markets and backstreets, the hovels and the empty grocery stores - the reality of Zimbabwe. At the Zimbabwe/Zambia border crossing, multitudes of women and men line up at all hours of the day, in hopes of crossing into Zambia to sell their wares, where the Zambian Kwacha fares a much better rate than the Zimbabwean dollar. Women wait - patiently, fervently, with their babies wrapped to their backs, balancing baskets on their heads for hours on end - in order to sell enough soap, homemade sadza, or beads to feed their children for the day.

When I spent time in Zimbabwe last summer, banks were open, but they had no money. American dollars were coveted, but hyperinflation made them impossible to use. The Zimbabwean government had fixed the exchange rate so that, even as its own dollar lost value by the hour, individuals seeking to legally exchange American dollars for Zim dollars would do just as well to simply give the banks their money.

The problems in Zimbabwe are much deeper than fiscal. It is uncouth to publicly say the name "Mugabe"; if it must be spoken, it is to be whispered. I learned this quickly. After sitting in a restaurant with fellow volunteers and referencing him in conversation, the entire restaurant grew silent, and I felt all sets of eyes on me. Civilians are not able to speak freely of their opinions of Mugabe. At the mentioning of his name, even in casual conversation, lips tighten and eyes avert, for fear of imprisonment or worse.

Few expected last Saturday's election in Zimbabwe to be conducted fairly, and many now look to the future of Zimbabwe with hopelessness, with or without Mugabe's leadership. But this situation is not, and cannot be, regarded as hopeless - for to concede as much would be tantamount to dismissing the future of all Zimbabweans. The truth is, there is a power in the people of Zimbabwe that cannot justly be ignored. In the history of justice movements, nothing has ever been accomplished by conceding to lost causes. Mugabe is undeserving of the amount of international attention he has received; the real story is found in the hope of his people.

Anne Junod spent last summer volunteering in Zambia and Zimbabwe with the U.K. based volunteer organization African Impact.

Will Zimbabwe's parliamentary and presidential elections, coming up Saturday, be a complete sham, like their predecessors? The government of Zimbabwe, under Robert Mugabe, has left Zimbabwe's economy in ruins and permitted the HIV/AIDS crisis rise to catastrophic levels, prompting protests among people of faith.

Here are a few websites to check for perspectives and news:

This is Zimbabwe, a blog by the protest group Sokwanele, offers on-the-ground info, including a Google Maps-based schematic of places where the government has taken steps to rig the election. At the bottom right, there's a list of other Zimbabwe-themed blogs.

ZimOnline, a South Africa-based online newspaper about Zimbabwe.

ReliefWeb's roundup of news stories and nonprofit press releases about Zimbabwe (as assembled by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs).

Elizabeth Palmberg is an assistant editor of Sojourners.

First, the very good news: a deal appears to be in sight to demobilize the murderous LRA of Uganda, which has abducted tens of thousands of children and been responsible for killings and mutilations. There are reports that

Although many internally displaced people are still sleeping in the camps they've called home for about a decade now, they're beginning to move furniture and farming tools back to their village homes.

Human rights activists warn that follow-through will make or break any agreement.

Now, the bad news: the regime in Khartoum, which is trying to weasel out of its 2005 peace agreement with southern Sudan, is likely trying to keep the LRA around to attack southern Sudan:

The [Khartoum] regime has provided military backing to the Ugandan Lord's Resistance Army, infamous for brainwashing kidnapped children to become cold killers. Now Sudan prepares once again to rescue the LRA from near-oblivion, as Khartoum will use the LRA's child soldiers in its efforts to disrupt Uganda's own peace process. Recently, reports emerged of a vicious LRA attack on civilians in southern Sudan. Yet again, no consequences.

After that was written, the LRA attacked civilians again.

(There are also rumors that Khartoum may offer LRA leader Joseph Kony, one of the world's most openly evil people, refuge among the Janjaweed in Darfur).

Elizabeth Palmberg is an assistant editor for Sojourners.

I work in one of the largest slums in Africa - Kibera - located in Nairobi, Kenya. Some years ago, I started St. Aloysius Gonzaga Secondary School to educate young people who have lost either both parents to the AIDS-pandemic, or one parent and the remaining parent is infected. I am proud to say we now have 265 students, and we are supporting another 50 graduates to go on to college.

Kenya and several other countries have made real progress in fighting AIDS with US support. On his recent trip to Africa, President Bush rightly received recognition for getting the ball rolling on expanding access to AIDS services in our region of the world, especially treatment and care for the sick and orphaned.

But, quite frankly, I am alarmed at how far removed from African reality his proposal is for the next five years of the program. Since Congress is now debating what direction to take this program, along with programs to address many health and development issues related to AIDS, I want to share what I have seen in Kibera and make a plea for realism.

We have learned a great deal about AIDS since 2003, when the U.S. first began its emergency response to the crisis in Africa. Anyone visiting us in Kibera would see that the AIDS issue cannot be viewed in isolation. My students, teachers, and their extended families face interrelated problems rooted in poverty, issues of gender, and a broken-down health system. A smart U.S. response must address this context, including the dearth of qualified medical personnel and community health workers. And to be effective, it would confront tuberculosis head on, since, as we have seen in Kibera, TB is what actually kills most people living with AIDS.

But the Bush approach, now taken up by the Republican leadership in the House, ignores these lessons. It does not seriously address any of these related issues and, worst of all, freezes funding at the current level for the next five years, even as the world is racing to meet the goal of universal access to all AIDS services by 2010.

This funding freeze would have a devastating impact on programs that serve the children I work with every day. So far, the U.S. AIDS initiative has provided crucial funding for programs that provide care for children - including school feeding programs, which have a broad impact. Yet, the president and his allies in the Congress would have these programs frozen in place instead of expanding them to meet the growing need.

Fortunately, an alternative is available. Congressman Tom Lantos, as chairman of the Committee responsible for AIDS programming in the House, understood that significantly greater funds were needed to fight AIDS and address basic capacity issues. One of the last things he did before he died of cancer was to propose five-year legislation which would update the U.S. response and provide $50 billion - not only for AIDS, but also for children's programs, TB, and malaria.

The Lantos proposal would also better meet the needs of women and girls. It would allow voluntary family planning services to women who are HIV positive and who do not wish to become pregnant. We can agree or disagree about the morality of contraception, but the truth is that helping women who may be weak and ill to avoid a dangerous pregnancy is about saving lives; and it would not promote abortion, as some pro-life groups have inaccurately stated.

The Lantos approach also eliminates the requirement that one-third of all HIV prevention dollars be spent on abstinence and fidelity. This funding restriction has been shown to not be workable on the ground. As someone profoundly committed to promoting abstinence and fidelity, my experience is that I can do my job most effectively when young people have the freedom to make moral choices. I am glad to see the Lantos bill still requires the U.S. to promote abstinence and fidelity as a part of a comprehensive approach.

Working in Kenya, I see people suffering and dying all too often from a disease that can be prevented. It is crucial that this program not become a political football, and I hope members of Congress of goodwill, from both sides of the aisle, can find a way to work together for the sake of Africa. Unless the U.S. AIDS program goes forward, together with programs that address the broader context of the epidemic, the ones who suffer the most will be the children I work with every day.

Father Terry Charlton, S.J. is the Jesuit vocation eirector for Kenya, the national chaplain of Christian Life Community, and co-founder and chaplain of the St. Aloysius Gonzaga Secondary School in Kibera.

In recent weeks, we've been watching Senator Obama and Senator Clinton try to disagree honestly without being too nasty in the process. This week, we saw Senator McCain come to the defense of Senator Obama when a warm-up speaker stooped to some low political rhetoric. Maybe the stale air of partisanship and "gotcha" politics can be replaced by some clean, fresh cooperative air ... for a while at least?

In that spirit, I think we all - Democrats, Republicans, and others - should stop what we're doing to honor President Bush for his ongoing commitment to Africa. I think Bono recently summed up what many of us feel regarding our president's concern for AIDS treatment, malaria prevention, education, and multifaceted economic development:

President Bush has every reason to be proud of what he and so many others have accomplished in Africa. From AIDS treatment once thought impossible, to millions of bednets to keep kids from dying of a mosquito bite, to new African jobs created with trade policy, to billions in old debts erased. And back in Washington, a political shift has taken place with Democrats and Republicans working shoulder to shoulder to partner with people of Africa as they work to lift their continent out of poverty, putting 29 million children in school in the last five years, with the help of debt cancellation.

Some will quickly say that more could and should be done. Yes - in fact, you'll hear from one of those voices today on the blog. But we should also acknowledge that much less could have been done. We should celebrate whenever good and beautiful things happen in this world, and President Bush has done some good and beautiful things for Africa. Kudos to him, and to all members of Congress of both parties - and to all Americans who can feel good that a portion of our taxes are being invested in this way.

Bono added,

These are accomplishments the next president must build on. ... I hope that the next president, whoever that is, will get to experience firsthand this beautiful and entrepreneurial continent that is rising to all of the challenges being sent its way.

Let's also pause a minute to pray that our next president and Congress will continue and expand what's being done. The pain and need in Africa are so great that it will take governments, businesses, churches, NGO's, individuals, and intergovernmental agencies, all doing their best - assisted by the powers of heaven - to make substantial and ongoing progress. Thanks be to God for the good that has begun to be done. God bless Africa.

Brian McLaren (brianmclaren.net) is board chair for Sojourners. He is in the middle of an eleven-city speaking tour you can learn about at deepshift.org.

My heart cries out for the people of Kenya. The unfolding crisis conjures up haunting and horrific images of Rwanda. While the situation has not reached the scale of genocide, the flawed and arguably fraudulent elections held last month have already led to far too much bloodshed and represent a major step backwards in Kenya's democracy. The aftermath from the election has inflamed simmering ethnic tensions, pitting Luos and others who support opposition leader Raila Odinga against Kikuyus and their allies, who support President Mwai Kibaki.

The media seems to be under-reporting the scale and gravity of the tribal and politically motivated violence. From the shantytown of Kibera to the rural villages of Western Kenya, people are gripped by fear, particularly Kikuyus who make up about 22 percent of the population. The roughly 500 deaths reported so far fail to capture the countless number of people who have been injured by machete or the estimated 100,000 people already displaced by the conflict. The stolen election has awakened people's deepest fears and spurred barbaric acts between former neighbors.

I've been blessed to travel to Kenya twice - most recently a year ago - and have talked to many young Kenyan professionals who lamented the lingering tribalism that impedes Kenya's future. Fierce distrust and animosity between the over 40 tribes was often manipulated by the divide and rule machinations of British colonial rule. However these brothers and sisters also expressed real optimism that Kenya was moving in the direction of making tribalism a vestige of the past. I can only imagine what they are thinking and feeling now.

The Bush Administration made a costly mistake by rushing to recognize the flawed election results that re-elected President Kibaki to power. Since this initial blunder, our government has backtracked and tried to broker a needed political compromise through the recent visit of the Under Secretary of State for Africa Jendayi Frazier. Based on the European Commission's compelling evidence that the election was stolen, the U.S. must send an unequivocal message to Kibaki's government that we refuse to recognize the outcome of this deeply flawed process. America's commitment to democracy around the world becomes even more tarnished every time we lend a blind eye to clear evidence of electoral malfeasance. Fortunately, Archbishop Desmond Tutu and the Elders group have also been working to foster reconcilation and forge a political compromise between President Kibaki and opposition leader Odinga.

What should active Christian solidarity look like in the response to this crisis? Many of our churches have direct missionary and church to church relationships with Kenyans. We must keep them in our prayers and let them know that they are not alone as they pursue the courageous path toward reconciliation. We can give to humanitarian relief efforts that are increasingly needed across the country. Finally we can escalate political pressure on the Bush Administration to play an even greater role in getting both sides to break the current political stalemate, whether through the promise of holding a new election, conducting a re-count and independent investigation, or a proposed power-sharing arrangement. Averting further bloodshed is inextricably linked to solving the political crisis in Kenya. My prayer is that our celebration of the birth of one that we call the prince of peace will lead a deeper commitment to sowing seeds of peace and reconciliation in Kenya and across the world.

Adam Taylor is director of campaigns and organizing for Sojourners.

On Dec. 1, the world commemorates World AIDS Day, a day in which we pause and remember the 25 million lives lost to the deadly epidemic. The day also challenges us to redouble our efforts to show greater solidarity with the estimated 33 million people worldwide living with HIV. The day's slogan is "Stop AIDS: Keep the Promise". This is a direct appeal to governments, policy makers, and regional health authorities to ensure that they meet the litany of targets in the fight against HIV and AIDS - especially the promise agreed to at the 2005 G8 Summit of universal access to HIV treatment, care, support, and prevention services by 2010. The 2007 theme of "leadership" highlights the stark reality that without a revolution in political will the epidemic will continue to outpace even our best response.

Dec. 1 represents a day for remembering the 2.1 million people that lost their lives this year due to this preventable and treatable disease. While we are starting to win victories in increasing access to treatment we are still losing the war to prevent new infections. Reports still show an alarming concentration of infections in the southern third of Africa, with nations such as Swaziland and Botswana reporting as many as one in four adults infected with HIV. Even closer to home, statistics released last week in Washington, D.C., reveal a state of emergency in which one in 20 residents is HIV positive - with 80 percent of cases among black men, women, and adolescents. The report shatters the common myth that AIDS is predominantly a gay disease, as 37.4 percent of newly reported cases were due to heterosexual contact. Behind these sobering statistics are real lives, real families, and real people made in the image of God.

We can give thanks to the degree to which Christians, including evangelicals, have now embraced AIDS as an urgent and legitimate cause. This weekend Pastor Rick Warren is convening thousands of faith leaders from across the country and world for his annual Summit on AIDS and the Church. I applaud his leadership in shining a spotlight on the indispensable role of the church in the fight against AIDS. However, past conferences have often shied away from the political nature of this epidemic and failed to deliver a clear call for political action to address the systemic injustices that so often fuel it. We can celebrate major advances in global treatment due in large part to increased funding through the President's Emergency AIDS Plan and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. Still, only 20 percent of people in need in the developing world currently have access. Thanks in large part to activism through the 2008 Stop AIDS campaign, all three leading Democratic Presidential candidates have agreed to a bold campaign promise to increase President Bush's pledge of $30 billion for AIDS prevention and treatment over the next five years to a figure more commensurate with the global need of $50 billion. Now we must pressure the Republican candidates to follow suit.

AIDS tests our faith as well as our humanity. Applying Matthew 25 to the contemporary age of AIDS, I believe God will also ask us "when I was living with HIV, did you love me, care for me, and use your prophetic voice to help stop the epidemic?"

The gospel music artist Donald Lawrence came out with a song last year titled "I Speak Life." As Christians we must speak life by loving and supporting people around us living with the virus. We can speak life by using our voices to challenge Congress and the Bush administration to make good on their promises to achieve universal access to treatment by the year 2010. We can speak life by breaking down the walls of stigma in our churches and communities, raising awareness, and encouraging testing. We can speak life by addressing the underlying injustices and issues that so often fuel the crisis of AIDS, including intravenous drug use, poverty, sexual violence, promiscuity, and infidelity.

An old African American Spiritual says it best:

Sometimes I feel discouraged, and think my work's in vain.
But then the Holy Spirit revives my soul again.
There is balm in Gilead to heal the wounded soul.
There is a balm in Gilead to heal the sin sick soul.

Adam Taylor is director of campaigns and organizing for Sojourners.

Tuesday marked the beginning of what is likely to be a long and controversial Senate debate on the 2007 Farm Bill. People of faith around the country are waking up to realize how critical this legislation is to our goals of ending hunger and poverty in America and abroad. Unfortunately, Congress has yet to show the leadership to make this goal a reality.

The Farm Bill is a vast piece of legislation - authorizing everything from food stamps to conservation programs, from rural development to our infamous farm subsidy program. This summer the House of Representatives passed its version of the Farm Bill, with little reform to the commodity title that governs farm subsidies. Now it is the Senate's turn, and the bill they are starting with has every indication of ignoring the reform agenda yet again.

Today, I stood with African and U.S. religious leaders at a press conference to call on our senators to be true to their commitments to fighting poverty in Africa by cutting unfair and outdated subsidies in the Farm Bill. The following are my remarks from the event:

An evangelical always has a text so I'll begin with a text this morning. Proverbs 13:23: "A poor person's field may produce abundant food, but injustice sweeps it away."

The question this morning for members of the U.S. Senate is simply this: How long will you postpone justice?

Is there anybody on this hill, in this town, who believes that continuing outdated, outmoded, but enormous subsidies to the world's biggest and richest farmers at the expense of the world's smallest and poorest farmers is fair, is just, or creates global stability? I don't think so. I haven't heard that.

Unfortunately, poor cotton farmers in West Africa don't vote in races for the U.S. Congress. They don't contribute to senatorial campaigns. They have no lobbyists on Capitol Hill except for us - today. They're just too busy trying to make a living to support their families and allow their countries to earn their way out of poverty.

But they have a huge obstacle; they have a huge competitor to their efforts. Their competitor is the U.S. government; their obstacle is the U.S. government.

Everyone knows these inequitable subsidies must end. Everyone knows that by continuing them we put a gigantic obstacle in the way of the sustainable development we say we support - and then block. Everyone knows that these subsidies make a mockery of our rhetoric about caring for what happens to Africa. Everyone knows we are postponing justice again.

Seventy five percent of the world's poorest people support themselves by farming, and we stop them from doing that. Gordon Brown, the British prime minister, has said eloquently and clearly, "a world where a billion people live in extreme poverty is neither just nor secure."

We need to make the reforms in the commodities in the farm bill - now. To not do so is to be guilty of moral shortsightedness and political blindness to the real path for global security. But that moral shortsightedness and political blindness is likely to happen again on the floor of the U.S. Senate unless some senators open their eyes, develop new vision, and find the courage to lead.

The religious community is asking them to do just that.

TAKE ACTION: The Farm Bill debate is typically dominated by big agribusiness and a handful of congressional leaders from farm states. But we can make a difference – Sojourners is asking our supporters to call their senators in support of reforming the commodity title – click here to make your call.

Bono was in town the other night and had a small thank-you party for friends and allies to celebrate some successes in Africa with regard to poverty, AIDS, and other pandemic diseases. Joy and I went along, and it was nice to connect with him again. He gave a few remarks about signs of hope, even in the midst of so much still to do.

But there was another speaker. Agnes Nyamayarwo is a Ugandan nurse who has become an amazing activist in the battle against AIDS. She is HIV positive herself, lost her husband to AIDS, and unknowingly transmitted the disease to her unborn son, who also subsequently died. But Agnes is a woman full of hope. Joy and I got to spend some time with her and heard her story.

Agnes is an extraordinary woman and a person of deep faith. "When I had nothing else left," she told us, "I learned to walk with God." She is very grateful to the American people for the aid that made possible the HIV/AIDS treatment that saved her life. There are 1.34 million Africans now on lifesaving drugs, thanks to U.S. efforts—the most important thing the Bush administration has done. Here is a woman who has lost her husband and two sons, yet she has become a powerful activist and bright beacon of hope—all of which she attributes to her faith. When George Bush visited her country, the leader of the free world gave Agnes a big hug. And she whispered in his ear, "What about the global fund?" (the international AIDS fund that still needs more investment). Agnes has an agenda and a faith and both are very substantial.