Virginia Mitchell and Charlton Breen of the Michigan Darfur Coalition (MDC) recently sat down for an interview with Dominic Maurice. Maurice is a former "Lost Boy" refugee from Sudan who has become a U.S. citizen and resides in Michigan. Last week, Maurice's friend, Lopez Lomong, was selected by Team USA to carry the American flag at the Olympic parade of nations in Beijing. 

Charlton Breen: I understand your journey to the United States was a long and improbable one. Can you describe it?

Dominic Maurice: I was born in the village of Chukueum in Southern Sudan. Chukueum was a beautiful village surrounded by mountains. Our family lived on a farm. My father was a teacher, while my mother stayed home to tend to our house and the children. I had started school myself, but everything changed when I was only nine years old.

The war started and the government mandated that all boys from our tribe be killed. So, 50 kids from our town left on foot. Several mothers came with us because they had boys who were too young to make the journey. Our ages ranged from 3 to 15. The majority of the boys were about my age. We had to hide and sleep during the day and walk at night. We walked directly to Kenya, where the United Nations was waiting for us in the Juja region. Not everyone survived the journey. There was no real food for many days, and people ate whatever they could find along the way. Several people died of hunger, while others were taken by animals. 

We arrived in Juja in 1991. We lived in Juja for 10 years. On December 29, 2001, I left Kenya and came to Lansing, Michigan, with two other guys. We stayed with an American family.  We met them for the first time at the airport, and they helped teach how life in the U.S. is different.

Virginia Mitchell: You recently became a U.S. citizen. Can you tell me about that experience?

Maurice: This process began around 1994. Eventually we became permanent residents of the U.S. After five years, we were eligible for citizenship. When our applications were finally approved we had to submit our fingerprints, and then wait even longer. Eventually, we received our citizenship ceremony letter. People from the MDC talked to a judge to get me a private ceremony. I had my ceremony at a junior high classroom in Detroit. One of the boys in the class had raised $2,000 for the MDC, and they were excited to be a part of the ceremony.

It's great being a citizen now, because I can travel and have a passport, and also I feel great because I know I can stay here. And, in the future I want to be able to contribute to something good, in the way that people have contributed to me.

Charlton Breen: Last week in Beijing, Lopez Lomong was chosen by Team USA to carry the flag at the parade of nations during the opening ceremony. How do you know Lopez, and what was it like to watch him at the ceremony?

Maurice: I have known Lopez since we lived together in the same compound in Kenya. We played games together. I came to the U.S. first and he came later to Syracuse, New York.  He tried out for the Olympics in Oregon, then trained in Colorado. We were together again in Colorado, because my cousin graduated from college there at the same time. 

It was very exciting to see him on TV. He means a lot to me and to all of us back home in Sudan. We are very proud to see him representing the USA. It sends a message that people can come from anywhere and achieve their dreams. But we didn't actually dream this dream when we were living together in Kenya. Who thought this would be possible? When we were back in Kenya, these types of dreams just didn't occur because we didn't know they could.  We are very thankful to the United Nations and the U.S. government for giving us the opportunity to come here.

Virginia Mitchell: What do you think of attempts to link the genocide in Darfur with the Beijing Olympics? 

Maurice: Because of a lack of coverage in the media, not everybody knew that there is a link between Sudan and China, but recent news regarding the Olympics is helping people to learn about the link. I think it is very helpful to link China to Sudan to try to get China to help the people of Sudan. I hope the Olympics can bring about a new agenda that will be helpful.

Virginia Mitchell: President Bashir has recently been indicted by the International Criminal Court. How did you feel when you heard this news?

I felt great. I won't lie. I felt great. He is a part of the problem. For the ICC to do this, it shows where the responsibility lies for the war in Darfur. I will be happy for him to appear in court.  He should be held accountable for his actions.

Charlton Breen: How do you think the international community is doing with efforts to end genocide in Darfur?

The world is doing a good job of trying to help Sudan, but the problem is with the Sudan government. The international community is trying its best.

Virginia Mitchell: You have spoken at several events for the MDC. Is it difficult for you to recount your experiences?

Maurice: It is not difficult to tell people. My mind can still remember what happened. I think people need to know. I feel good letting people know my story.

Charlton Breen: You are about to become a junior at Grand Valley State University (GVSU).  What challenges have you faced since starting college?

Maurice: Just getting through it. It takes a long time. I wish I was a senior! I want to be done, so that I can have a chance to do something more. The hardest part, though, is the financial situation. I work when I am not in school, and they (GVSU) tell me I make enough money to pay for my school expenses, but in reality, I don't have enough money after my other expenses to pay tuition. The little money that I make that is left over after expenses, I need to send home to my family in the Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya.

Virginia Mitchell: How is life for your family these days?   

Maurice: I just talked to them last week. The conditions in Kakuma are really bad. People are getting killed. You can't walk around by yourself or at night. The U.N. is still there, but their rations are too small. There's not enough food or clean water, so I send them money so they can survive.

Virginia Mitchell: Do you miss your home in Sudan? Do you plan to return there one day? 

Maurice: Yes, I miss my family and my community. But the situation is not good. Hopefully I will visit around Christmas this year. If everything goes right, I can go in December. I am still waiting for my passport, but the people of Aldersgate United Methodist Church in Grand Rapids have sponsored my airfare.

Charlton Breen: What are your dreams for the future?

Maurice: I have the same dream as Lopez to run in the Olympics. I was running track and playing soccer. But I had to change my plans to just try to support myself, and that kind of killed my dream of running. My new dream is to finish school and to work for an organization and work with children. Because organizations helped me once, so I want to help people, too. I just want to help and contribute, either to kids in Sudan or here in the U.S. I also want to write a book detailing my journey and what I had to go through to get to where I am now.

It is Tuesday, August 12, and the leaders of the political parties are still locked in talks of power sharing -- it was expected that a deal would be struck on Sunday, but to no avail, so the talks continue. Most of us are still digesting and coming to terms with the content of the proposed new deal -- some parts are hard to swallow, but I think the model of power-sharing being used by chief mediator Thabo Mbeki is modeled on the South African experience.

If you can recall, to avert violence and bring peace the African National Congress (ANC) had to compromise with the National Party. So F.W. de Klerk was made vice president and the national anthem of the National Party was incorporated into the ANC anthem. There was realism that as much as the ANC wanted absolute power, they could not wish away the NP. Power-sharing and compromise was the best option. The agreement had its flaws, but the good far outweighed the weaknesses. The question now is whether the same will happen in Zimbabwe. There are similar parallels -- Mugabe and ZANU-PF are a formidable force that cannot be wished away and have support, so it seems necessary for the sake of progress to move forward. It will be imperfect with many flaws, but it's a starting point. In a few years, Zimbabweans will vote for the government they want, as has happened in South Africa.

The point is whether the South African experience will prove effective for Zimbabwe. There are no guarantees, but there does not seem to be other alternatives that will shift Zimbabwe to a new era of peace, democracy, and freedom. It's a gamble based on a good practice, but is it best for Zimbabwe? We don't know!

Interestingly, the government has also expressed commitment to the process until a solution is found that works for both parties for the benefit of Zimbabweans. The key issue is said to be real power-sharing and the future role of Mugabe in the government of national unity. Another historical event may be playing a key role in the delay in talks. Around 1987, a government of national unity was formed between ZANU-PF and an opposition party called ZAPU. The opposition leader was given the office of second vice president, which he accepted. In reality, it was a ceremonial position with no power -- the opposition party was swallowed up and rendered powerless. This piece of history is a sober reminder of the way in which the government understands "power-sharing."

Fortunately history has lessons for the future, of which the opposition is probably keenly aware. It was reported that after the talks on Sunday, one of the key negotiators for the opposition party said: "Please pray."

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

Being at home in the land of my birth, South Africa, over the last five weeks has been awesome. It is wonderful being amongst family and friends, and having our daughter Mahalia Khanya be with our "peeps."

However, as much as the wonder and joy of being home is "something to write home about," there is also much shock and disgust brewing for me personally, as well as for the broader South African society.

People are feeling the pinch of living in a South Africa where democracy has seemingly celebrated a capitalistic culture that does very little for a large population of impoverished people in this developing country. Within an environment where democracy is in need of a social consciousness, reform is needed for the large majority of people who have been denied their rights to basic needs of education, housing, water, etc.

There are several more complexities that South Africa is dealing with, related to a failing democracy and a government that is losing sight of the vision for which it was elected. The complexities of corruption, fraud, arms deals, the Zimbabwe crisis, unemployment, HIV/AIDS, violence and crime, children living on the streets, extreme poverty, etc., are those foremost in my mind and in discussions I have been having with people working in development, child and youth care, corporations, churches, and mosques.

People are facing outrageous hikes in costs on their home loans, where monthly repayments have doubled in just two months. Prices of meat and vegetables, oil, rice, and maize meal have escalated so that a low-income family cannot afford to even purchase toilet paper and bathing soap.

However, among all the chaos of my current-day South Africa, there remains a mystical faith that propels people in the most adverse circumstances to look forward to a brighter day. I have found it most difficult at times to understand how people in such dire straits could still have the audacity to hope and have faith that things will work out right. That mystical faith, with which I have come into contact in the land of my dreams, encourages me, challenges me, and changes me. It further centers, conscientizes, and mobilizes me to continue believing, striving, pursuing, and demanding transformation that will ensure a South Africa that is caring for all its people: citizen, immigrant, and refugee.

Seth Naicker is an activist for justice and reconciliation from South Africa. He is currently studying and working at Bethel University, in St. Paul, Minnesota, as the program and projects director for the Office of Reconciliation Studies. He can be reached at seth-naicker@bethel.edu or smnaick@hotmail.com

The latest development on talks between the opposition party -- the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) -- and ZANU-PF President Robert Mugabe is that they have produced a 50-page document as a way forward in power-sharing and the installation of a transitional government. The duration of the transitional government is still being debated -- the opposition wants two years and ZANU-PF wants five. The plan is to eventually dissolve the transitional government and hold fresh elections to appoint a new government. The document is yet to be finalised by the parties. The full text is not yet available to the public -- the information I am giving is from several newspapers. Some of the key issues contained in the document are as follows:

A blanket amnesty is being offered to everyone who "in the course of upholding or opposing the aims and policies of the government of Zimbabwe, Zanu-PF or either formation of the MDC, may have committed crimes within Zimbabwe." A tough call!

The document has not been officially endorsed by both parties, but it seems likely that they will with a few changes.

Given the history of Zimbabwe, there is reason for caution. However, this is a small step forward and we need to pray that truth and justice will prevail for the benefit of all Zimbabweans. Please continue to pray, and thank you for your prayers.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

Andrew Berg, an International Monetary Fund African department policy adviser, is a nice man. I know this because he spent some time talking earnestly with me after an IMF press conference in which I'd asked a pretty confrontational question about Malawi, whose 2002 famine is often partly attributed to IMF (and World Bank) advice, and whose current bumper crops are attributed to ignoring it.

Berg looks a tiny bit like The X Files' Agent Skinner, but what this conversation brought into focus for me is that the IMF is not a vast conspiracy of evil, cigarette-smoking men. It's a large, overly influential group of people who earnestly push policies that are often disastrous.

While many civil society advocates insist the IMF is imposing its will wholesale on poor countries, it insists it's just inspiring them to choose sound policies. Given the huge power imbalance here -- very poor countries often need IMF approval to help get other international loans and aid -- many critics, like me, view the IMF's claim as a farce. Berg's and his colleages' earnestness, however, convinced me that they genuinely believe they're empowering government officials to do the right economic thing in the face of their citizens' political pressure to, say, raise the salaries of civil servants when the price of food shoots up.

And the IMF's critics, including me, are wrong sometimes in blaming the IMF rather than other challenges poor countries face. Take Malawi's 2002 famine. After talking with Berg, I did more research, and discovered that he was basically right: The famine really was caused much more by bad (and likely corrupt) national governance, bad forecasts, bad weather, and bad roads, rather than by the country's agreement with the IMF to partly reduce maize reserves. (I wasn't taking Berg's word for this, but rather frequent IMF critic ActionAid's.)

It was clear that folks at the IMF did care about the food crisis (and, at least somewhat, about years of criticism from advocates for the poor). Berg agreed that policies like grain reserves should be considered on a country-by-country basis, and he was strongly supportive of crop insurance for small farmers. The IMF panelists I heard said that governments should respond to the food crisis by spending money on social safety nets. This may signal a partial change from the IMF's traditional preoccupation with cutting government spending, partly so governments can make national debt payments and partly on the theory that government spending would somehow "crowd out" otherwise-eager private investment.

Overall, though, the IMF is still disastrously wrong in its unjustified overemphasis on "market signals." Take Malawi's current abundance of grain, which happened largely because the government decided to subsidize fertilizer. In recent decades, various international "experts" have advised many poor countries to stop helping their farmers with affordable loans, seeds, and fertilizer. The theory was that it would be better for farmers to buy these things themselves after selling their crops on the world market -- a great idea if it worked, which it really hasn't.

Malawi's fertilizer program ran directly counter to the advice of the World Bank (which has since repented). And this advice was seconded by IMF executive directors' brief expression of concern last year that Malawi's "government interventions in grain and fertilizer markets have continued to impede private sector development." (At the same time, the IMF assented to the need to "protect ... pro-poor spending," and a recent IMF report says its Malawi staff is now "generally supportive" of the fertilizer program).

Perhaps the most relevant kind of market signal is the way in which, over the last four years, almost all the middle-income countries who had borrowed from the IMF (including 90 percent of its loan portfolio) have run for the exits to escape the IMF's policy, um, advice -- so that it is now mostly the world's poorest countries who are dependent on the nice, but wrong, people at the IMF.

Elizabeth Palmberg is an asssistant editor of Sojourners.

I, wisdom, dwell together with prudence;
       I possess knowledge and discretion. 
    To fear the Lord is to hate evil;
       I hate pride and arrogance,
       evil behavior and perverse speech. 
     Counsel and sound judgment are mine;
       I have insight, I have power. 
     By me kings reign
       and rulers issue decrees that are just; 
     by me princes govern,
       and nobles—all who rule on earth.

—Proverbs 8:12-16

Wisdom is the key ingredient in the revival of talks under way between the government's party (ZANU-PF) and the opposition MDC. On Monday, these two parties signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU), which sets down the framework for talks about a future government for Zimbabwe. The language of human rights, the dignity of the person, and freedom of speech and press, etc., makes this document a "foreign language" in the context of Zimbabwean politics! Here are some excerpts:

The Parties are committed to ensuring that the law is applied fairly and justly to all persons irrespective of political affiliation.

Each Party will issue a statement condemning the promotion and use of violence and call for peace in the country and shall take all measures necessary to ensure that the structures and institutions it controls are not engaged in the perpetration of violence ... [each] shall refrain from using abusive language that may incite hostility, political intolerance and ethnic hatred or undermine each other.

It is a small step in the right direction; as a Chinese proverb says, "a journey of a thousand miles begins with one step." Thank you for your prayers and support. There are many challenges that face the negotiation process, and in our prayers let us include the following:

a. The cessation of violence.

b. Wisdom for all involved to ensure that democracy, human rights, and the interests of the Zimbabwean people remain central to the process.

c. Implementation challenges that require “mind shifts” from security organs.

d. Extraordinary wisdom and strategy to come up with a solution that fits in with the unique needs of Zimbabwe.

e. Groups that have gained considerably from the status quo and have the potential to derail the process.

f. A way forward without violence.

May Wisdom bring forth justice, peace, and prosperity for Zimbabwe. Thank you so much for your prayers and commitment. May God bless you, too, in all your ways. Shalom!

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

The breeze was blowing off of Lake Tanganyika, and I was enjoying the evening with a friend at the Hotel Club Du Lac. We were enjoying a cold drink and good conversation when it occurred to me that the beachfront was filled with foreigners enjoying the beach at sunset. It was July 1, and the beach was teeming with laughter, BBQs, and a game of volleyball.  This is something we have not witnessed in Burundi for more than 15 years, and it was almost like a dream as I watched the good humor and celebration around me.

This past July 1, we celebrated the 46th anniversary of our independence from Belgium. We celebrate our Independence Day every year, but not every year has been cause for cheering, parades, and national pride.  As a matter of fact, the past 15 years have been painful for Burundians, and the holiday seemed to be a reminder of what had gone miserably wrong with our country in the wake of colonialism.  Back in 1992 our government, after much pressure from Western nations to quickly implement democracy, introduced a multiparty political system.  The following year elections were held and the people elected a president.  This was the first time a Hutu would be the president of Burundi, reflecting the majority of the population of the country.  You can imagine the celebration!  However, the joy was short-lived.  Four months after taking office, our president was killed in a coup d'etat.  This plunged the country into a bloody civil war that has lasted for 15 years.

During these dark years, we have had more to fear than to celebrate.  No less than five armed rebel groups were formed.  They roved the country, creating havoc for rural residents and city dwellers alike. It is estimated that more than half a million people were killed in a long series of skirmishes and outright hostilities. Two million more Burundians fled the country altogether, seeking refuge in neighboring countries from the turmoil in their homeland. But a refugee camp is little solace; it is not home. You are not really living so much as waiting -- waiting for the day you can return to your farm, your community, your family.

So this year when July 1 came, there was actually reason to celebrate. For the first time we could boast that all the rebel groups have disarmed and integrated into the army, that there will be no fighting on the eve of our Independence Day.

The final group just began their integration process last month, so this is a fragile time as negotiations and political maneuvering continue. Many of the refugees are returning home to Burundi. Our second democratically elected president is in office and is still alive! For the first time in 15 years we have reason to hope, reason to believe that peace is about to break on the shore of our country. This may just well mark the end of the civil strife that has plagued Burundi for so many years. Our season of war might be over at long last.

This season I would like to invite our African and Western friends to reconsider Burundi, to begin to think of my country as a peaceful and beautiful nation on the mend. We need our friends more than ever, as we still have many challenges ahead of us. Poverty, disease, delayed economic development, and poor infrastructure are all reminders of the past we are emerging from. We have farms that need to work again, a government that needs to learn to function again, and a crippling national debt that we need to address immediately for the health of our country. Burundi needs friends, investors, advocates around the globe, and, most importantly, we need your prayers and presence.

Celebrate with us -- a new day is dawning in Burundi!

Claude Nikondeha is the director of amahoro-africa.org, and divides his time between Surprise, Arizona, and Bujumbura, Burundi

Are not five sparrows sold for two pennies? Yet not one of them is forgotten by God. Indeed, the very hairs of your head are all numbered. Don't be afraid; you are worth more than many sparrows (Luke 12:6-7).

He will rescue them from oppression and violence, for precious is their blood in his sight (Psalm 72:14).

My friends and I were discussing the ongoing violence in Zimbabwe -- it seems senseless. Or is it? The explanation given for the violence prior to the recent elections was that it was part of "Operation: Who Did You Vote For?" -- also referred to as electoral cleansing. The goal was to ensure that the ruling party would win the elections, which they did.

But then why is the violence continuing? When the negotiations began last week between the political parties, cessation of violence was one of the key issues raised, and we all hoped the violence would eventually stop. But it has not, and the negotiations have hit a brick wall and are currently at a standstill. The loss and violation of human life goes to the heart of our faith. For each human being is made in the image of God and therefore has inherent dignity and is of infinite value.

I fear for myself and our faith communities that the ongoing violence may desensitize us to the value of human life and its preciousness to God. Somehow this is the "salt" and the "light" we need to be to keep the value of human dignity, especially the value of African life. Please continue to pray. Thank you.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

This Fulfulde proverb is often quoted when somebody is losing his or her patience, when somebody is about to make a quick decision without thinking seriously and considering carefully all the consequences of his or her actions, when a trial seems to last forever, when there is a risk of revenge, when there is a risk of conflict, or when people are tempted to react violently to a provocation.

The above African proverb from the Fulbe people aptly describes the situation in Zimbabwe. Its advice to be patient is tough for many Zimbabweans who have had to endure so much suffering politically and economically. Yet it is advice that may prove beneficial especially when it is supported by efforts designed to bring a just solution to the crisis.

The events of the past few months have created an atmosphere of fear, uncertainty, ambiguity and ambivalence about the future. Talks between the opposition and government started this week in South Africa with the opposition referring to these talks as primarily about the conditions they have set for any negotiations to take place. These conditions include the end to ongoing violence and the appointment of additional mediators to oversee the process. The international pressure on both parties is ensuring that negotiations go on. Critical to negotiations is the appointment of mediators who will have the full trust of both sides. The choice of mediators is therefore crucial to ensure that democracy, human rights, accountability, justice and the best interests of the people of Zimbabwe are upheld. Please continue to pray in this regard. I want you to know that your prayers are appreciated. God bless you too!

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

I was in Zimbabwe from June 21 to 28. I traveled by bus, and my experience is typical of what has become the norm for road travel between South Africa and Zimbabwe -- long queues and delays at the border posts and police-controlled roadblocks.

Almost all vehicles going to Zimbabwe are loaded to maximum capacity with goods from South Africa -- mostly basic foodstuff. With ever-rising inflation currently at 3 million percent, the Zimbabwean dollar cannot keep up, and the government keeps printing higher denominations of money -- for example, Z$1 billion, 5 billion, 400 million, etc. It's mind-boggling! US $100 = Z $1 trillion.

Just to give you an indication of how this translates into daily life, one banana is Z$1 billion, bread is 5 billion, and one sweet (candy) is Z$400 million, and prices rise every day! Salaries can't keep up with inflation, and that is why many Zimbabweans are economic refugees in neighbouring countries and overseas. Everyone is a billionaire and struggling to survive!

It is estimated that about half the population is dependent on food aid. This creates a situation where food becomes a political tool. Add to this the ongoing political crisis and HIV/AIDS, and you have a struggle at every level of life -- physical, mental, spiritual, psychological, social, political, and economic. Out of these multiple crises new forms of social networking have emerged, enabling many to survive and maintain a semblance of normal life. As I stood in line at the border posts, there were several groups of women traders. These networks of traders support families and enable communities to survive. They and many others are the true heroines and heroes.

People did not talk much because of fear but there was a guarded hope that perhaps the elections would bring a change. The withdrawal by the opposition took many of us by surprise but it soon became apparent that the escalating violence and suppression of the opposition made it impossible to have free and fair elections. The government went ahead with the elections. The outcome was predictable. As things stand now it feels like we have come full circle, back to square one! There is talk of possible negotiations between government and the opposition. Should such negotiations take place, there will be a need for mediators to guide the process. Please pray for the appointment of visionary and courageous mediators committed to justice and democracy who will provide clear guidelines and frameworks for the negotiations. Also continue to pray that the ongoing international, regional, and continental pressure on Zimbabwe would continue until a solution is found.

I want to end with an event that coincided with the week of the elections. I trace my interest in connecting events to my love of history. When I was in high school, one of the questions that appeared regularly in history exams required us to describe and connect the events that led to a particular war or change, etc., and so I got used to stringing up events. The event last week was the celebration of Nelson Mandela's 90th birthday! The unseen hand of history provided a critique in the form of the person of Mandela, his leadership, and his commitment to the values of freedom and democracy. It was, in Christian language, a "prophetic birthday!"

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

In the past week, the blood-stained regime ruling Sudan has once again engaged in "open and transparent effort to overthrow a neighboring government," Chad, where for the past week Sudanese-backed rebels have been attacking towns. The attacks put at risk half a million Sudanese and Chadian refugees in the region.

Khartoum seems determined to give new meaning to the phrase "repeat offender." The proxy militias it arms, in concert with the Sudanese military, continue to destroy villages and bomb schools in Darfur. Ahmad Harun--who has been indicted by the International Criminal Court for recruiting and ordering Janjaweed to commit mass rape, murder, and looting, and who should be on trial in The Hague--instead continues to be the Sudanese government minister in charge of supervising (and impeding and expelling) humanitarian workers in Darfur.

Instead of enabling Khartoum's behavior by our inaction, the international community should be putting concerted economic and legal pressure on Khartoum, and on specific officials such as Harun, to get the promised U.N. humanitarian protection force on the ground in Darfur, and to get a real peace process started like the one that won an agreement stopping Sudan's previous civil war (which was north-south, rather than east-west). Instead of replicating that success, though, we've been letting Khartoum undermine it: Last month the Sudanese Armed Forces "burned the strategic town of Abyei to the ground, leaving the North-South Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) at extreme risk, " as John Prendergast of the Enough Project pointed out to the U.N. Security Council in a briefing on Tuesday.

Read Prendergast's Tuesday Security Council briefing and Enough's new report on how to get humanitarian protection and a long-term solution in Darfur. The world has stood idly by too long.

Elizabeth Palmberg is an assistant editor of Sojourners.

I will begin with some positive news of growing international pressure on the Zimbabwean government. The United Nations secretary general has demanded an end to the violence and lifting of the ban on food aid. The U.S. secretary of state has called a meeting with African leaders to discuss the situation, and the Botswana government has issued this statement: "Botswana is alarmed by these arrests and detentions as they disrupt electoral activities of key players and intimidate the electorate, thus undermining the process of holding a free, fair and democratic election."

The latter is particularly remarkable because this is the first government in the region that has issued an official statement condemning the violence. Botswana has always been a model of democracy in Africa but is now proving to be a model of statesmanship. Other leaders have followed suit and have together presented a document calling for an end to the violence and for free and fair elections. It is encouraging to witness this swell of support. Let us continue to pray for the process to continue and materialise in concrete action.

Sadly the situation on the ground has not yet changed, and violence continues. Yesterday when I felt overwhelmed by the violence, I recalled an African parable. It is a parable about a chick that was snatched from its mother by a hawk; the chick was asked why it was crying in such a hopeless situation. It replied, "I am not crying because I hope that someone will save me but because I want the world to know what happened to me."

For the sake of many who are victims of violence or have lost family members, it is our responsibility to tell their story to let the world know what is happening. As people of faith, we go further than the chick and trust that God will hear and act through people. Please continue to pray especially as we approach the week of the elections.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

Sojourners’ June issue features a cover story by Amy Green and a column by Jim Wallis about the new paths of Christians in their 20s and 30s, plus a set of mini-interviews with 10 next-gen Christian leaders. Here’s a taste: part of Sojourners’ interview with Jena Nardella, the 26-year-old executive director of Blood:Water Mission. Started by the band Jars of Clay, this ministry works for clean water and against AIDS in Africa.

What motivated you to get involved?

A billion people in the world lack access to clean water, and women and children are the ones who suffer the most from this reality. I think people can be paralyzed by the social injustices of the world and feel the need to shut it out or feel as though there is nothing that they can do to respond to the injustices. I have always been motivated by the truth that ordinary people can do something extraordinary, if it is done with love, humility, and large doses of hope.

I had no professional training, but I had a load of passion and a willingness to learn quickly on my feet. I got involved because I believed that there was a huge potential to engage young Americans in creatively raising awareness and funds for water and HIV/AIDS support in Africa, and I believed in supporting local organizations in Africa that knew their communities better than we ever could.

What one thing would you most like to tell Christians?

God is author and creator of the world in which we live. God hates injustice and loves mercy. We are free to live for ourselves, but living for something greater than ourselves brings joy deeper than understanding. We live in a deeply broken world, and it needs your love—whether in your family, neighborhood, or halfway across the globe. Just don't miss out.

What’s your biggest challenge personally?

Balancing hope with reality, and staying on the side of hope. After countless visits to African communities in the last four years, I have been on a roller coaster of extreme optimism and utter disillusionment. Poverty cannot be alleviated by charity. Charity cannot just be handouts of leftovers. And leftovers aren't what the world needs.

But even if you give it your all, the challenges that accompany community development, politics, scarce resources, empty leadership, and histories of oppression make hope feel weak sometimes. But I celebrate the seemingly small and yet significant changes that come as a result of hardworking African communities and generous Americans. A simple cup of cool water is something that bears greater hope than I could have ever imagined—because it represents so much more. I have seen more than 250,000 people work toward access to clean water in their communities as a result of a resilient hope. The structures of poverty and brokenness compel us toward defeat. And I choose hope.

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Xenophobic violence has generated public debates on a wide range of themes, such as the meaning of “being African”; issues of identity and values; the relationship between South Africa and the rest of Africa; the role of African states in the struggle against apartheid as a corrective to perceptions of "separateness" from the rest of the continent; and a crisis of leadership.

That last point continues to dominate public debates and newspapers. There is a general feeling that a leadership vacuum has been exposed by the xenophobic violence. The events in Zimbabwe are a case in point. Yesterday, June 4, the leader of the opposition party was arrested, detained for eight hours, and was later released. This happened at a time when two of Africa’s most powerful leaders were meeting in South Africa -- the presidents of Nigeria and South Africa. It’s a historic moment and opportunity for these two leaders to use the crisis in Zimbabwe and the xenophobic violence to articulate a vision for Africa informed by human rights, justice, democracy, and nonviolence, and to make a commitment to stand up against any violation of these values in Africa. The situation in Zimbabwe affords them an opportunity to practice and promote this vision and values. It remains to be seen if this moment in history will be capitalized upon or allowed to slip.

Thank you for your prayers. So far there have been no more reports of xenophobic violence. However, the problem currently being faced is the impact of the violence on thousands of foreign nationals. The government has set up temporary shelters. Several organisations, including Oxfam, are monitoring the situation to ensure that the shelters meet health and safety standards. The situation in Zimbabwe continues to deteriorate – please continue to pray. God bless and thanks for your support.

Nontando Hadebe, a former Sojourners intern, is originally from Zimbabwe and is now pursuing graduate studies in theology in South Africa.

The genocidal situation in Darfur continues to worsen, with more killings and increased attacks on peacekeepers.  All the efforts to date by the U.N., the U.S., and other governments have failed to stop the atrocities. 

In this morning’s New York Times, the Save Darfur coalition ran an ad with the message: “We stand united and demand that the genocide and violence in Darfur be brought to an end.”  It was signed by the three remaining presidential candidates – Hillary Rodham Clinton, John McCain, and Barack Obama.   The statement, We Stand United On Sudan, concluded: 

Today, we wish to make clear to the Sudanese government that on this moral issue of tremendous importance, there is no divide between us. We stand united and demand that the genocide and violence in Darfur be brought to an end and that the CPA be fully implemented. Even as we campaign for the presidency, we will use our standing as Senators to press for the steps needed to ensure that the United States honors, in practice and in deed, its commitment to the cause of peace and protection of Darfur’s innocent citizenry. We will continue to keep a close watch on events in Sudan and speak out for its marginalized peoples. It would be a huge mistake for the Khartoum regime to think that it will benefit by running out the clock on the Bush Administration. If peace and security for the people of Sudan are not in place when one of us is inaugurated as President on January 20, 2009, we pledge that the next Administration will pursue these goals with unstinting resolve.

An Associated Press story called it a rare show of bipartisan unity.  It is that, and it is also a hopeful sign that on this moral issue, there are indeed no Democrats or Republicans, conservatives or liberals, only compassion and a commitment to do everything possible to bring an end to the horror in Darfur.

In the back and forth concerning the role South Africa must play in the crisis of human rights abuses under the reign of Robert Mugabe and his cronies, it is my belief that we must see some form of serious intervention.

I understand the need for diplomacy, which always calls for "you scratch my back, I’ll scratch yours." But when endless reports have been publicized of the atrocities that the people of Zimbabwe are facing, South African President Thabo Mbeki must engage ways to ensure that we as a South African people do not repeat history in our failure to act for justice -- as Bishop Tutu rightfully pointed out in the tragedy of Rwanda.

Mbeki can use people like Dr. Gerrie Lubbe, Dr. Allan Boesak, Bishop Tutu, and many other social activists who should be strategically commissioned to have a round-table discussion with Mugabe and his crew.

While the world, and even South Africa, remains largely disengaged from this crime against humanity that is occurring in Zimbabwe, people are dying. Must someone declare that there is genocide taking placing before the United Nations, the African Union, and world leaders will make a stand?. If this is the case, let me proclaim, "There is genocide taking place in Zimbabwe!" -- a genocide that may be ethnic, it may be cultural, but most definitely political.

For all that Mugabe has seen in his lifetime, one cannot understand how elder Mugabe can allow his people to suffer at his hand. At one time in our not-too-distant history, Mugabe was one of the most celebrated African leaders. How has this former champion of his people become the enslaver and dictator?

Let us work to mobilize our networks and resources, and our power and influence to aid the people of Zimbabwe. Do what you can to see this hypocrisy and abuse of human rights come to an end.

Seth Naicker is an activist for justice and reconciliation from South Africa. He is currently studying and working at Bethel University, in St. Paul, Minnesota, as the program and projects director for the Office of Reconciliation Studies. He can be reached at: seth-naicker@bethel.edu or smnaick@hotmail.com

We know that the government of Sudan responds to civil war by targeting innocent civilians—a strategy based on its weakness as well as its evil. This is the strategy the Khartoum regime used in southern Sudan until the international community pressured it into a 2005 peace accord. It’s what the regime is doing now in Sudan’s western area, Darfur.

So it’s not surprising that, after one of Darfur’s rebel groups attacked targets on the outskirts of Khartoum two weeks ago, the regime has responded by rounding up civilians from Darfuri ethnic groups living in Khartoum, killing some, torturing others, and hiding many God knows where.

We shouldn’t be surprised, but we should be on the ball. This escalation of the civil war in Sudan—in which rebels from a rural province reached the fringes of the capital city, gaining a public relations coup—only emphasizes that we need a real, substantive peace process, involving civilians as well as the different Darfuri rebel groups. Rather than the drive-by diplomacy of the past few years, this process must follow in Darfur the successful model we used to get the peace agreement in south Sudan: a full-court press of economic and political pressure from a united international community. (For more on what it takes to bring Khartoum to heel, check out Sojourners’ interview with Enough Project co-founder Gayle Smith earlier this year).

Instead, we’re letting even the agreement in the South slip through our fingers: Khartoum has repeatedly and openly broken its 2005 com