Until recently Caritas Christi was unambiguously owned and operated
by the Archdiocese of Boston, with the archbishop serving as chairman
and the chancellor and vicar general also sitting on the board. But in
the early years of the 21st century the agency's troubles drew unwanted
attention from a paternalistic state government.
In April 2004,
Archbishop Sean O'Malley dismissed the president of Caritas Christi,
Dr. Michael Collins. Although no explicit reason was given for the
ouster, it was generally understood that the new archbishop was
dissatisfied with the doctor's management style. But the first
replacement for Dr. Collins, Emmett Murphy, brought no relief; he
stepped down hastily after reporters questioned the accuracy of his
resume. Next came Dr. Robert Haddad, who was forced out in 2006 amid
accusations of sexual harassment of female employees.
Meanwhile,
the financial losses were mounting and Caritas Christi was actively
seeking a buyer. By 2007, the agency was involved in serious talks with
Ascension Health, the nation's largest Catholic health care system. But
those talks trailed off, in part because accountants discovered that
Caritas Christi had overstated its revenues by $10 million.
At
this point the attorney general of Massachusetts, Martha Coakley,
announced that she could no longer watch the archdiocesan health care
system flounder. Citing her duty to supervise the affairs of non-profit
groups, she announced an investigation of Caritas Christi. In March
2008 the attorney general released a highly critical report, and
recommended major changes in the agency's governance. She strongly
recommended that the Boston archdiocese "relinquish direct and indirect
control over strategic, operational, and financial matters, and focus
only on moral and ethical issues."
The archdiocese quietly
acceded to the proposed reforms. In a sweeping reorganization announced
a few weeks later, the archbishop of Boston lost his traditional place
as chairman, and the archdiocese was allotted only three seats on the
16-member board. The archdiocese announced that its control over the
affairs of Caritas Christi would henceforth be "limited to matters
pertaining to Catholic identity, mission, and the implementation of the
religious and ethical directives of the United States Conference of
Catholic Bishops, and any transaction that would involve the sale or
transfer of the system."
In a highly unusual policy for a
non-profit organization, the reconstituted Caritas Christi has declined
to identify the members of its board of directors. The latest official
papers filed with state regulators do not reflect the organizational
changes of May 2008. So when Caritas Christi became involved in the
controversial bid for the state health care contract, Catholics hoping
to influence the agency's policies--or to express their concerns about
the moral dimensions of the government contract bid--did not know where
to address their concerns.
Just three members of the 16-member
board of Caritas Christi have been publicly identified, and none of
them has a background that would reassure pro-life activists. Dr. Ralph
de la Torre, who as president is an ex officio board member, has been a
forceful advocate for an independent hospital system, and the primary
force behind the contract bid. James Karam, the chairman of the board,
is a businessman whose political sympathies are evident in his generous
contributions to liberal Democratic candidates such as Barack Obama.
And the only identified cleric on the board, Father J. Bryan Hehir, has
been the bête noire of conservative Catholics nationwide
since the 1980s, when he emerged as a major architect of the US
bishops' pastoral letter on nuclear weaponry and an apologist for the
"seamless garment" approach that saw abortion as only one among many
critical issues in political campaigns. Father Hehir, Caritas Christi
told inquiring Catholics, served on the board as Cardinal O'Malley's
representative, to ensure that the health care system protected its
Catholic identity. If that message was intended to ease the concerns of
pro-life activists, it failed badly.
NO REASSURANCES
In
answer to questions from inquiring Catholics, Caritas Christi officials
said that the Catholic hospitals would not perform abortions, even if
the Commonwealth Family Health Plan (CFHP) won the government contract.
Nevertheless, in response to similar questions from the secular press,
the joint venture issued a terse statement that the CFHP "will contract
with providers, both in and out of the Caritas network, to ensure
access to all services required by the authority, including
confidential family planning services." How could these two claims be
reconciled? No explanation was forthcoming.
Caritas Christi,
Centene Corporation, and the Archdiocese of Boston have all refused to
disclose exactly how CFHP would respond to patients' requests for
abortions. Caritas Christi has assured the public that Catholic
hospitals would not perform abortions. Nevertheless the abortions would
be performed under the terms of the contract the Catholic agency sought
to win.
snip
(closing paragraph)
The government contract will undoubtedly bring a critical infusion of
revenue for the Caritas Christi system. The alliance with Centene
Corporation in the CFHP may even lead to a successful sale of the
troubled Caritas Christi system. But the apparent involvement of
Catholic hospitals in a system that provides subsidized abortions--and
the steadfast refusal of the Boston archdiocese to explain how that
involvement could possibly be justified--is an astonishing setback for
the culture of life. And it bears emphasis that this situation did not
arise because the state government forced Caritas Christi into a
morally untenable position; the Catholic agency deliberately sought to
be involved. The Catholic Action League called the development "a
significant defeat for the pro-life movement, inflicted not by secular
society, but by the Catholic Church in Boston."